
Citation
“National Debt Facts.” By James D. Agresti. Just Facts, April 26, 2011. Updated
1/5/16. <justfacts.com/nationaldebt.asp>
In keeping with Just Facts'
Standards of Credibility, all graphs show the full range
of available data, and all facts are cited
based upon availability and relevance, not
to slant results by singling out specific
years that are different from others.
In keeping with the practice of the
Congressional Budget Office and other
federal agencies that deal with budget
policy, many of the federal debt, spending,
and revenue figures in this research are expressed as a
percentage of gross domestic product (GDP).
This is because debates about the size of
government and the effects of its debt are
frequently centered upon how much of a nation's
economy is consumed by government. This measure also accounts for population growth,
some of the effects of inflation, and the relative
capacity of government to service its debt.
However, the federal government does not
have the entire U.S. economy at its disposal
to service federal debt. The private sector,
which produces the goods and services that
comprise most of the economy, utilizes some
of these resources, and local and state
governments also consume some of the
nation's GDP. Hence, this research sometimes
expresses federal debt as a percentage of
annual federal revenues. This is a more
direct measure of the federal government's
capacity to service its debt.
Click here for a video that summarizes some of the key facts in
this research.
* As of December 30, 2015, the official debt of the United States government is $18.8 trillion ($18,825,061,664,536).[1] This amounts to:
* At the close of the federal government's 2014 fiscal year (September 30, 2014), the federal government had roughly:
* Combining the figures above with the national debt and subtracting the value of federal assets, the federal government had about $74.3 trillion ($74,331,000,000,000) in debts, liabilities, and unfunded obligations at the close of its 2014 fiscal year.[21]
* This $74.3 trillion shortfall is 91% of the combined net worth of all U.S. households and nonprofit organizations, including all assets in savings, real estate, corporate stocks, private businesses, and consumer durable goods such as automobiles.[22] [23]
* This shortfall equates to:
* These figures are based upon current federal law and "a wide range of complex assumptions" made by federal agencies.[29] Regarding this:
| † To measure the entirety of government expenditures and receipts, "total" instead of "current" figures are preferable, but such data (shown in the next graph) only extends back to 1960.[32] ‡ In 2014, receipts consisted of: 96% taxes; 2% premiums, settlements, donations, fines, fees, & penalties; and 2% interest & dividends.[33] |
* Data from the graph above:
| Year |
Receipts (Portion of GDP) |
Expenditures (Portion of GDP) |
| 1930 | 3.1% | 3.3% |
| 1940 | 8.0% | 8.9% |
| 1950 | 16.3% | 15.7% |
| 1960 | 17.2% | 17.2% |
| 1970 | 17.2% | 20.4% |
| 1980 | 18.6% | 21.6% |
| 1990 | 18.2% | 21.5% |
| 2000 | 20.1% | 18.5% |
| 2010 | 16.0% | 24.9% |
| 2014 | 19.0% | 22.3% |
* Data from the graph above:
| Year | Receipts (Portion of GDP) |
Expenditures (Portion of GDP) |
| 1960 | 17.5% | 19.0% |
| 1970 | 17.5% | 21.2% |
| 1980 | 18.9% | 22.5% |
| 1990 | 18.4% | 22.4% |
| 2000 | 20.3% | 18.9% |
| 2010 | 16.1% | 26.2% |
| 2014 | 19.1% | 22.6% |
|
† Social programs include income security,
healthcare, education, housing, and
recreation. ‡ National defense includes military spending and veterans' benefits. § General government and debt service includes the executive & legislative branches, tax collection, financial management, and interest payments. # Economic affairs includes transportation, general economic & labor affairs, agriculture, natural resources, energy, and space. (This excludes spending for infrastructure projects such as new highways, which is not accounted for in this graph.[36]) £ Public order and safety includes police, fire, law courts, prisons, and immigration enforcement. |
* Data from the graph above:
| Category | Portion of Total Federal Spending | ||||||
| 1960 | 1970 | 1980 | 1990 | 2000 | 2010 | 2014 | |
| Social Programs | 21% | 32% | 45% | 44% | 54% | 61% | 61% |
| National Defense | 53% | 42% | 26% | 25% | 19% | 20% | 19% |
| General Government & Debt Service | 19% | 18% | 21% | 25% | 21% | 13% | 14% |
| Economic Affairs & Infrastructure | 6% | 7% | 7% | 5% | 5% | 4% | 4% |
| Public Order & Safety | 0% | 0% | 1% | 1% | 1% | 1% | 2% |
| NOTE: This data does not account for 8% of federal revenues that CBO could not allocate to households by income group." |
* Data from the graph above:
|
Effective Federal Tax Burdens (2011) |
|||
| Income Group | Average Household
Income |
Effective Federal
Tax Rate |
Average Federal Taxes
Paid Per Household |
| Lowest 20% | $24,600 | 1.9% | $467 |
| Second 20% | $45,300; | 7.0% | $3,171 |
| Middle 20% | $66,400 | 11.2% | $7,437 |
| Fourth 20% | $97,500 | 15.2% | $14,820 |
| Top 20% | $245,700 | 23.4% | $57,494 |
* Breakdown of the highest 20%:
| 2009 (latest available data) | |||
| Percentile | Average Household Income |
Effective Federal Tax Rate |
Average Federal Taxes Paid Per Household |
| 81st - 90th | $138,800 | 18.6% | $25,817 |
| 91st - 95th | $186,700 | 21.1% | $39,394 |
| 96th - 99th | $299,000 | 24.3% | $72,657 |
| Top 1% | $1,453,100 | 29.0% | $421,399 |
* As detailed in publications of the Congressional Budget Office, the Brookings Institution, and Princeton University Press, the following are some potential consequences of unchecked government debt:
* In 2012, the Journal of Economic Perspectives published a paper about the economic consequences of government debt. Using 2,000+ data points on national debt and economic growth in 20 advanced economies (such as the United States, France, and Japan) from 1800-2009, the authors found that countries with national debts above 90% of GDP averaged 34% less real annual economic growth than when their debts were below 90% of GDP.[51]
* The United States exceeded a debt/GDP level of 90% in the second quarter of 2010.[52]
* Per the textbook Microeconomics for Today:
* In 2013, the Political Economy
Research Institute at the University of Massachusetts, Amherst,
published a working paper about the economic consequences of
government debt. Using data on national debt and economic growth in
20 advanced economies from 1946-2009, the authors found that
countries with national debts over 90% of GDP averaged:
31% less real annual economic growth than countries with debts from 60% to 90% of GDP.
29% less real annual economic growth than countries with debts from 30% to 60% of GDP.
48% less real annual economic growth than countries with debts from 0% to 30% of GDP.[54]
* The authors of the above-cited papers have engaged in a heated dispute about the results of their respective papers and the effects of government debt on economic growth. Facts about these issues can be found in the Just Facts Daily article, "Do large national debts harm economies?"
* The U.S. Constitution vests Congress with the powers to tax, spend, and pay the debts of the federal government. Legislation to carry out these functions must either be:
* In 2014, the Congressional Budget Office (CBO) projected the debt that the U.S. government would accumulate under current federal policies.[58] The projection used the following assumptions:
| † To measure the entirety of the national debt, it would be preferable to show "gross" debt instead of "publicly held" debt, but this data is not presented in this report. Nonetheless, it would make little difference because the excluded debt primarily resides in federal government trust funds that dwindle and become insolvent during the projection period.[70] Facts regarding why and how the federal government keeps its books in this manner are covered in the section of this research entitled "Government Accounting." |
* Per CBO, postponing action to stabilize the debt will:
• Paul Davidson, editor of the Journal of Post Keynesian Economics and author of The Keynes Solution: The Path to Global Economic Prosperity:[73]
• Douglas J. Amy, professor of politics at Mount Holyoke College:[75]
• Paul Krugman, Nobel Prize-winning economist and Princeton University professor:[77]
Again, the debt outlook is bad. But we're not looking at something inconceivable, impossible to deal with; we're looking at debt levels that a number of advanced countries, the U.S. included, have had in the past, and dealt with.[78]
* In 2010, around the time when the statements above were written, the Congressional Budget Office projected that under current policy and a sustained economic recovery over the next 40 years:
* As alternatives to the CBO's current policy projections detailed above, the CBO also ran projections for scenarios such as these:
1) Current law[83]:
2) Republican Congressman Paul Ryan's 2014 budget resolution, called the "The Path to Prosperity"[91]:
* A poll conducted by NBC News and the Wall Street Journal in February 2011 found that:
* A poll conducted in November 2010 by the Associated Press and CNBC found that:
* A poll conducted in July 2005 by the Associated Press and Ipsos found that:
* During the first session of the 113th Congress (January–December 2013), U.S. Representatives and Senators introduced 168 bills that would have reduced spending and 828 bills that would have raised spending.[109]
* The table below quantifies the costs and savings of these bills by political party. This data is provided by the National Taxpayers Union Foundation:
| Costs/Savings of Bills Sponsored or
Cosponsored in 2013 by Typical Congressman (in billions) |
|||
| Increases | Decreases | Net Agenda | |
| House Democrats | $407 | $10 | $397 |
| Senate Democrats | $22 | $3 | $18 |
| House Republicans | $9 | $91 | -$83 |
| Senate Republicans | $6 | $165 | -$159 |
* Click here to look up any member of Congress and see the annual costs or savings from the legislation he or she has sponsored or cosponsored.
* The table below quantifies the net agendas of the political parties in previous congresses:
|
Costs/Savings of Bills Sponsored or Cosponsored in the First Sessions of Congress by Typical Congressman (in billions) |
|||||||
| 2011 | 2009 | 2007 | 2005 | 2003 | 2001 | 1999 | |
| House Democrats | $497 | $500 | $547 | $547 | $402 | $262 | $34 |
| Senate Democrats | $24 | $134 | $59 | $52 | $174 | $88 | $15 |
| House Republicans | -$130 | -$45 | $7 | $12 | $31 | $20 | -$5 |
| Senate Republicans | -$239 | $51 | $7 | $11 | $26 | $19 | -$324 |
| NOTE: Data not adjusted for inflation. | |||||||
* In February 2001, Republican President George W. Bush stated:
* From the time that Congress enacted Bush's first major economic proposal (June 2001[114]) until the time that he left office (January 2009), the national debt rose from 53% of GDP to 74%, or an average of 2.7 percentage points per year.[115]
* During eight years in office, President Bush vetoed 12 bills, four of which were overridden by Congress and thus enacted without his approval.[116] These bills were projected by the Congressional Budget Office to increase the deficit by $26 billion during 2008-2022.[117]
* In February 2009, Democratic President Barack Obama stated:
* From the time that Congress enacted Obama's first major economic proposal (February 2009[119]) until December 31, 2014, the national debt rose from 74% of GDP to 102%, or an average of 4.8 percentage points per year.[120]
* As of May 18, 2015, President Obama has vetoed four bills, none of which have been overridden by Congress and thus enacted without his approval.[121]
* Some federal programs (such as Social Security) have "trust funds" that are legally separated from the rest of the federal government.[122]
* When these programs spend less than the federal government allocates to them, their surpluses are loaned to the federal government. This creates a legal obligation for the federal government to pay money and interest to these programs, thus adding to the national debt.[123] [124] [125] [126] [127]
* The federal government divides the national debt into two main categories[128] [129]:
NOTE: Just Facts has identified numerous instances in which politicians and journalists have used terms that technically refer to the overall national debt, when in fact, they are only referring to a portion of it. In order to clear up some of the confusion this has created, below are common terms for the national debt categorized by their proper meanings:
* On December 31, 2014, the national debt consisted of:
| $5.1 trillion | owed to federal entities |
| $13.0 trillion | owed to non-federal entities |
| $18.1 trillion | owed in total |
* The federal law that governs the repayment of the national debt draws no distinction between the debt owed to federal and non-federal entities. Both must be repaid with interest.[140]
* The White House Office,[141] [142] Congressional Budget Office,[143] and other federal agencies[144] sometimes exclude the debt owed to federal entities in their reckonings of the national debt because this portion of the debt "represents internal transactions of the government and thus has no effect on credit markets."
* Federal programs to which this money is owed, such as Social Security and Medicare, include this money and the interest it generates in their assets and financial projections.[145] [146] [147]
* In the 2000 presidential race, the Gore-Liebermann campaign released a 192-page economic plan that contains over 150 uses of the word "debt." In none of these instances does the plan mention or account for any of the debt owed to federal entities.[148] The same plan includes the debt owed to federal entities in the assets of the Social Security and Medicare programs.[149]
* During the federal government's 2010 fiscal year (October 1, 2009 to September 30, 2010[150]), the national debt rose from $12.0 trillion to $13.6 trillion, thus increasing by $1.6 trillion.[151]
* The White House,[152] USA Today,[153] Reuters,[154] and other government and media entities reported that the 2010 federal "deficit" was $1.3 trillion.
* The difference between the national debt increase of $1.6 trillion and the reported deficit of $1.3 trillion is attributable to the following accounting practices:
* PolitiFact, a Pulitzer Prize-winning project of the Tampa Bay Times to "help you find the truth in politics,"[158] wrote that there were "several years of budget surpluses" during Bill Clinton's presidency. This same article cites the rise in "national debt" during the tenure of George W. Bush.[159]
* Using the same criterion PolitiFact applied to Bush's presidency (change in gross national debt), the national debt rose every year of Clinton's presidency:
| Year | National debt on inauguration date†
(billions) |
| 1993 | $4,188 |
| 1994 | $4,501 |
| 1995 | $4,797 |
| 1996 | $4,988 |
| 1997 | $5,310 |
| 1998 | $5,496 |
| 1999 | $5,624 |
| 2000 | $5,706 |
| 2001 | $5,728 |
| † NOTE: PolitiFact used the inauguration date for their debt baseline. The national debt also rose every fiscal year of Clinton's presidency. | |
* As of June 30, 2015, the national debt consists of:
| Portion of Total | ||
| $13.1 trillion | owed to non-federal entities (i.e., publicly held debt) | 72% |
| $5.1 trillion | owed to federal entities (i.e., intragovernmental debt) | 28% |
* Ownership of publicly held debt as of December 31, 2014:
* Data from the chart above:
| Entities | Amount (billions) | Portion of Total |
| Foreign & International | $6,156; | 47% |
| Federal Reserve[163] | $2,461 | 19% |
| Mutual Funds | $1,146 | 9% |
| Other Investors | $895 | 7% |
| State & Local Governments | $601 | 5% |
| Private Pension Funds | $530 | 4% |
| Banks & Savings Institutions | $518 | 4% |
| Insurance Companies | $282 | 2% |
| State and Local Government
Pension Funds |
$257 | 2% |
|
U.S. Savings Bonds |
$176 | 1% |
* Per the White House Office of Management and Budget (2015):
* Ownership of U.S. government debt by foreign creditors as of April 30, 2015:
* Data from the chart above:
| Country | Amount (billions) | Portion of Total |
| China | $1,263 | 21% |
| Japan | $1,216 | 20% |
| Caribbean Banking Centers‡ | $296 | 5% |
| Oil Exporters† | $293 | 5% |
| Brazil | $263 | 4% |
| Belgium | $229 | 4% |
| Switzerland | $216 | 4% |
| Ireland | $216 | 4% |
| United Kingdom | $195 | 3% |
| Hong Kong | $183 | 3% |
| Luxembourg | $171 | 3% |
| Taiwan | $170 | 3% |
| Others | $1,428 | 23% |
| Total | $6,137 | 100% |
|
† Caribbean Banking Centers include: the
Bahamas, Bermuda, Bonaire, British Virgin
Islands, Cayman Islands, Curacao, St.
Eustatius, St. Maarten, Panama, and Saba.
‡ Oil exporters include: Ecuador, Venezuela, Indonesia, Bahrain, Iran, Iraq, Kuwait, Oman, Qatar, Saudi Arabia, the United Arab Emirates, Algeria, Gabon, Libya, and Nigeria. |
||
* Foreign purchases of U.S. government debt increase the demand for this debt, thus putting downward pressure on U.S. interest rates. Conversely, foreign sales of U.S. government debt place upward pressure on U.S. interest rates.[167] [168]
* Per a 2008 Congressional Research Service report, a "potentially serious short-term problem would emerge if China decided to suddenly" sell its holding of U.S. government debt. Possible effects could include:
* The same report states:
* During a visit to China in February 2009, Secretary of State Hillary Clinton said:
* In August 2007 during a currency dispute between the U.S. and China, two leading officials of Chinese Communist Party bodies suggested that China use the threat of selling U.S. debt as a "bargaining chip."[172]
* In February 2009 during a dispute over U.S. arms sales to Taiwan, a Chinese general made the following statements in the state-run magazine Outlook Weekly:
* One month later while appearing before China's parliament, the head of China's State Administration of Foreign Exchange said:
* Ownership of intergovernmental debt as of June 30, 2015:
* Data from the chart above:
| Funds | Amount (billions) | Portion of Total |
| Social Security | $2,838 | 56% |
| Civil Service Retirement and Disability | $740 | 15% |
| Military Retirement | $532 | 10% |
| Medicare | $274 | 5% |
| Department of Defense Retiree Healthcare | $205 | 4% |
| Postal Service Retiree Health Benefits | $45 | 1% |
| Other | $441 | 9% |
* In April 2011, journalists reported on a $38 billion federal budget cut agreement with the following headlines and phraseology:
* None of these articles reported that this figure of $38 billion in cuts was primarily relative to a portion of the budget called "discretionary non-emergency appropriations."[179] Relative to the entire federal budget, this cut leaves a projected spending increase of $135 billion from 2010 to 2011. This equates to an inflation-adjusted increase of $49 billion or 0.1 percentage points of GDP:[180]
* None of the articles quoted above contains a budget-wide frame of reference for the cuts. A spending reduction of $38 billion equates to 1.0% of the estimated 2011 budget or 2.7% of the projected deficit:
* In February 2010, Fareed Zakaria of CNN stated:
* As of April 11, 2011, the Congressional Budget Office, White House, and Joint Committee on Taxation have not published a hindsight valuation of the Bush tax cuts with figures for 2010.[184] Per a 2007 Congressional Budget Office projection adjusted for inflation, the Bush tax cuts were slated to have a revenue effect of -$283 billion in fiscal year 2010.[185] This equates to 22% of the reported budget deficit ($1,293 billion) or 8% of the budget ($3,456 billion).[186]
* In April 2011, Ezra Klein of the Washington Post posted a graph of spending and revenue projections based upon the Congressional Budget Office's (CBO) "current law" scenario and wrote that it
* Klein's graph and commentary omit the interest and outcome of the national debt under this plan.[188] In the "do nothing" scenario, outlays are projected to exceed revenues every year through 2084, and the publicly held debt is projected to increase from 62% of GDP in 2010, to 74% in 2030, 90% in 2050, and 113% in 2084.[189]
* In the same commentary, Klein wrote that the "current law" scenario is "a pretty good plan" that contains
* Under this scenario:
NOTE: Further details on the "current law" scenario are provided above.
* Without mentioning the role of Congress in taxes, spending, or the national debt,[194] [195] PolitiFact (in the same article cited above) wrote that the national debt increased by $5.73 trillion "under" George W. Bush whereas there were budget surpluses "at the end of the Clinton administration."[196]
* Below are the fluctuations in national debt organized by the tenures of recent presidents and congressional majorities:
| Political Power | Dates | Average Annual Change
in National Debt (Percentage Points of GDP) |
| Bill Clinton with Democratic
House and Senate |
1/20/93 - 1/4/95 | 0.9 |
| Bill Clinton with Republican
House and Senate |
1/4/95 - 1/19/01 | -1.6 |
| George W. Bush with Republican
House and Senate |
1/19/01 - 6/6/01,
11/12/02 - 1/4/07 |
0.8 |
| George W. Bush with Republican
House and Democratic Senate |
6/6/01 - 11/12/02 | 2.3 |
| George W. Bush with Democratic
House and Senate |
1/4/07 - 1/20/09 | 6.5 |
| Barack Obama with Democratic
House and Senate |
1/20/09 - 1/4/11 | 9.3 |
| Barack Obama with Republican
House and Democratic Senate |
1/5/11 - 1/6/15 | 1.9 |
* Other factors impacting the national debt include but are not limited to legislation passed by previous congresses and presidents,[198] economic cycles, terrorist attacks, natural disasters, demographics, and the actions of U.S. citizens and foreign governments.[199]
[1] Webpage: "The Debt to
the Penny and Who Holds It." United States
Department of the Treasury, Bureau of the
Public Debt. Accessed January 2, 2016 at
http://www.treasurydirect.gov/NP/debt/current
As of 12/30/2015, the "Total Public Debt
Outstanding" is $18,825,061,664,536.
[2] Dataset: "Monthly
Population Estimates for the United States:
April 1, 2010 to December 1, 2016." U.S.
Census Bureau, Population Division, December 2015.
http://www.census.gov/popest/data/index.html
"Resident Population … December 1, 2015 [=] 322,561,729"
CALCULATION: $18,825,061,664,536 debt /
322,561,729 people = $58,361 debt/person
[3] Dataset: "Average
Number of People per Household, by Race and
Hispanic Origin, Marital Status, Age, and
Education of Householder: 2015." U.S. Census Bureau, November 2015.
http://www.census.gov/hhes/families/data/cps2015.html
"Total households [=] 124,587,000"
CALCULATION: $18,825,061,664,536 debt /
124,587,000 households = $151,100
debt/household
[4] Dataset: "Table 1.1.5.
Gross Domestic Product." U.S. Department of
Commerce, Bureau of Economic Analysis. Last
revised December 22, 2015.
http://www.bea.gov/iTable/iTable.cfm?ReqID=9&step=1
"[Billions of dollars] Seasonally adjusted
at annual rates"
Line 1: "Gross Domestic Product …
2015Q3 [=] 18,060.2"
CALCULATION: $18,825,061,664,536 debt / $18,034,800,000,000 GDP = 104%
[5] Dataset: "Table 3.1.
Federal Government Current Receipts and
Expenditures." U.S. Department of Commerce,
Bureau of Economic Analysis. Last revised
December 22, 2015.
http://www.bea.gov/iTable/iTable.cfm?ReqID=9&step=1
"[Billions of dollars] Seasonally adjusted
at annual rates"
Line 37: "Total receipts …
2015Q3 [=] 3,494.7"
CALCULATION: $18,825,061,664,536 debt /
$3,494,700,000,000 receipts = 539%
[6] Calculated with data
from:
a) Dataset: "Historical Debt Outstanding –
Annual, 1790-1849." United States Department
of the Treasury, Bureau of the Public Debt.
Updated May 5, 2013.
http://www.treasurydirect.gov/…
b) Dataset: "Historical Debt Outstanding –
Annual, 1850-1899." United States Department
of the Treasury, Bureau of the Public Debt.
Updated May 5, 2013.
http://www.treasurydirect.gov/…
c) Dataset: "Historical Debt Outstanding –
Annual, 1900-1949." United States Department
of the Treasury, Bureau of the Public Debt.
Updated May 5, 2013.
http://www.treasurydirect.gov/…
d) Dataset: "Historical Debt Outstanding –
Annual, 1950-1999." United States Department
of the Treasury, Bureau of the Public Debt.
Updated May 5, 2013.
http://www.treasurydirect.gov/…
e) Dataset: "Historical Debt Outstanding –
Annual, 2000-2014." United States Department
of the Treasury, Bureau of the Public Debt.
November 10, 2014.
http://www.treasurydirect.gov/…
f) Dataset: "Historical Data on the Federal
Debt." Congressional Budget Office, August
5, 2010.
http://www.cbo.gov/sites/default/files/historicaldebt2000.xls
g) Dataset: "Table 1.1.5. Gross Domestic Product
[Billions of dollars]." U.S. Bureau of Economic Analysis. Last
revised March 27, 2015.
http://www.bea.gov/…
NOTE:
An Excel file containing the data and
calculations is available
upon
request.
[7] Report: "Enron: Selected Securities,
Accounting, and Pension Laws Possibly
Implicated in its Collapse." By Michael V.
Seitzinger, Marie B. Morris, and Mark
Jickling. Congressional Research Service,
Library of Congress, January 16, 2002.
http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/7960.pdf
Page
2:
Among the disclosures of publicly traded companies are accounting statements. Since financial information is of little use to investors unless all firms use comparable accounting methods, the securities laws give the Securities and Exchange Commission broad authority to establish standards for financial reporting. The SEC has delegated the task of writing accounting standards to private sector bodies, and since 1973 the Financial Accounting Standards Board has been charged with formulating accounting and financial reporting standards.
This Statement establishes accounting standards for employers' accounting for postretirement benefits other than pensions…. It will significantly change the prevalent current practice of accounting for postretirement benefits on a pay-as-you-go (cash) basis by requiring accrual, during the years that the employee renders the necessary service, of the expected cost of providing those benefits to an employee and the employee's beneficiaries and covered dependents. …
… The Board believes that measurement of the obligation and accrual of the cost based on best estimates are superior to implying, by a failure to accrue, that no obligation exists prior to the payment of benefits. The Board believes that failure to recognize an obligation prior to its payment impairs the usefulness and integrity of the employer's financial statements. …
The provisions of this Statement are similar, in many respects, to those in FASB Statements No. 87, Employers' Accounting for Pensions, and No. 88, Employers' Accounting for Settlements and Curtailments of Defined Benefit Pension Plans and for Termination Benefits. …
This Statement relies on a basic premise of generally accepted accounting principles that accrual accounting provides more relevant and useful information than does cash basis accounting. …
[L]ike accounting for other deferred compensation agreements, accounting for postretirement benefits should reflect the explicit or implicit contract between the employer and its employees.
In contrast to cash-basis accounting, accrual accounting records transactions as they are made, whether or not the cash has actually changed hands. Most companies of any size use accrual accounting. This system provides a better matching between revenues and their associated cost, which helps companies understand the true causes and effect of business activities. Accordingly, revenues are recognized during the period in which the sales activities occur, whereas expenses are recognized in the same period as their associated revenues.
[11] "2008 Financial
Report of the United States Government."
U.S. Department of the Treasury, 2008.
http://www.fms.treas.gov/fr/08frusg/08frusg.pdf
Page
21 (in pdf): "The President's Budget
(Budget), the Government's primary
financial planning and control tool,
describes how the Government spent and plans
to spend the money it collects.
Page
30 (in pdf): President's Budget …
Prepared primarily on a 'cash basis'
[12] "Fiscal Year 2014
Financial Report of the United States
Government." U.S. Department of the
Treasury, February 26, 2015.
http://www.fiscal.treasury.gov/…
Page 46:
United States Government Balance Sheets
|
Liabilities |
2014 (billions $) |
| Accounts payable | 69.0 |
| Federal employee and veteran benefits payable | 6,672.6 |
| Environmental and disposal liabilities | 369.1 |
| Benefits due and payable | 191.6 |
| Insurance and guarantee program liabilities | 168.2 |
| Loan guarantee liabilities | 52.8 |
| Other liabilities | 409.1 |
| Total of above (excludes national debt) | 7,932.4 |
Table VI.F2.—Present Values of OASDI [Social
Security] Cost Less Non-interest Income and
Unfunded Obligations for Program
Participants, Based on Intermediate
Assumptions [Present values as of January 1,
2014; dollar amounts in trillions] …
[P]resent value of future cost for current
participants [=] 54.6 …
[P]resent value of future dedicated tax
income for current participants [=] 26.4 …
[P]resent value of future general fund
reimbursements over the infinite horizona
… c
a Distribution of general fund
reimbursements among past, current, and
future participants cannot be determined.
…
c Less than $50 billion.
NOTES:
- The past participants wash out of the
calculation below, because their benefits
have already been paid.
- The general fund of the U.S. Treasury
is "used to carry out the general purposes
of Government rather than being restricted
by law to a specific program…." ["Internal
Revenue Manual." Internal Revenue Service.
Accessed January 11, 2011 at
http://www.irs.gov/irm/index.html. Part
1, Chapter 34, Section 1 (http://www.irs.gov/irm/part1/irm_01-034-001.html)]
- Prior to 2012, the Social Security
Trustees Report provided an explicit "closed
group unfunded obligation" for the Social
Security program. Since this figure is not
provided in later reports, Just Facts has
calculated it using the methodology provided
in the 2011 Report ["2011 Annual Report of
the Board of Trustees of The Federal Old-Age
and Survivors Insurance and Disability
Insurance Trust Funds." United States Social
Security Administration, May 13, 2011.
http://www.ssa.gov/oact/tr/2011/tr2011.pdf.
Page 66: "The present value of future cost
reduced by future non-interest income over
the next 100 years for all current
participants1 equals $21.4
trillion. Subtracting the current value of
the trust fund gives a closed group unfunded
obligation of $18.8 trillion, which
represents the shortfall of lifetime
contributions for all past and current
participants relative to the cost of
benefits for them. … 1
Individuals who attain age 15 or older in
2011."]
CALCULATION: $54.6 present value of future cost for current participants - $26.4 present value of future dedicated tax income for current participants - > $0.05 present value of future general fund reimbursements over the infinite horizon - $2.764 current value of the trust fund = $25.386 closed group unfunded obligation
[14] NOTE: These bullet points provide important context for understanding the calculation that follows:
Medicare's unfunded obligations are calculated with data from the "2014 Annual Report of the Boards of Trustees of the Federal Hospital Insurance and Federal Supplementary Medical Insurance Trust Funds." Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, July 28, 2014. http://www.cms.gov/…
Page 11: "Table II.B1.—Medicare Data for Calendar Year 2013 … Assets at end of 2013 (billions) … Total [=] $280.5"
Page 233: "The first line of table V.G2 [which displays unfunded Part A obligations] shows the present value of future expenditures less future taxes for current participants, including both beneficiaries and covered workers [i.e., taxpayers]. Subtracting the current value of the HI trust fund (the accumulated value of past HI taxes less outlays) results in a closed-group unfunded obligation of $8.7 trillion."
Page 236: "Table V.G4.—Unfunded Part B
Obligations for Current and Future
Program Participants through the
Infinite Horizon [Present values as of
January 1, 2014; dollar amounts in
trillions] … unfunded obligations for
past and current participants … General
revenue contributions [=] 14.6"
Page 238: "Table V.G6.—Unfunded Part D
Obligations for Current and Future
Program Participants through the
Infinite Horizon [Present values as of
January 1, 2014; dollar amounts in
trillions] … unfunded obligations for
past and current participants … General
revenue contributions [=] 4.9"
CALCULATION: $8.7 trillion in unfunded
obligations for Part A + $14.6 trillion
in unfunded obligations for Part B +
$4.9 trillion in unfunded obligations
for Part D = $28.2 trillion in unfunded
obligations for the Medicare program
[15] See
here,
here, and
here for details
regarding the manner in which publicly
traded companies are required to calculate
their debt and obligations using
accrual-based accounting. The following two
notes show that the federal budget, in
contrast, is calculated on a cash basis.
These notes also show that accrual-based
accounting is used in the "Annual Financial
Report of the United States Government,"
which was originally the source for all of
the shortfall figures cited above. However,
in 2009, the Financial Management Service of
the U.S. Treasury, which produces the
"Annual Financial Report of the United
States Government," stopped providing
individual values for the "closed group"
shortfalls of the Social Security and
Medicare programs. Since that time, the
report has only shown a "closed group" total
for all social insurance programs combined.
For the 2009 and 2010 reports, Just Facts
requested and received the components of
this total from the U.S. Treasury. For the
2011 report, the U.S. Treasury refused to
provide these figures despite repeated
requests from Just Facts. Thus, Just Facts
now calculates these figures using data from
the Social Security and Medicare Trustees
Reports.
[16] "2008 Financial
Report of the United States Government."
U.S. Department of the Treasury, 2008.
http://www.fms.treas.gov/fr/08frusg/08frusg.pdf
Page
21 (in pdf):
Each year, the Administration issues two reports which detail the financial results for the Government. The President's Budget (Budget), the Government's primary financial planning and control tool, describes how the Government spent and plans to spend the money it collects. By comparison, the accrual-based Financial Report of the United States Government (Report) includes the cost of operations, the sources used to finance those costs, how much the Government owns and owes, and the outlook for its social insurance programs.
| President's Budget | Financial Report of the U.S. Government |
| Prepared primarily on a 'cash basis' | Prepared on an 'accrual basis' |
[17]
Report:
"Understanding the Primary Components of the
Annual Financial Report of the United States
Government." U.S. Government Accountability
Office, September, 2005.
http://www.gao.gov/new.items/d05958sp.pdf
Page
5:
Accrual accounting, which is also used by private business enterprises, is the basis for U.S. generally accepted accounting principles for federal government entities. It is intended to provide a complete picture of the federal government's financial operations and financial position. The federal government primarily uses the cash basis of accounting for its budget, which is the federal government's primary financial planning and control tool.
The accrual basis of accounting recognizes revenue when it is earned and recognizes expenses in the period incurred, without regard to when cash is received or disbursed. The federal government, which receives most of its revenue from taxes, nevertheless recognizes tax revenue when it is collected, under an accepted modified cash basis of accounting.
Page
51 (in pdf):
The [social insurance] estimates are actuarial present values2 of the projections and are based on the economic and demographic assumptions representing the trustees' best estimates as set forth in the relevant Social Security and Medicare trustees' reports and in the relevant agency performance and accountability reports for the RRB and the Department of Labor (Black Lung). …
2 Present values recognize that a dollar paid or collected in the future is worth less than a dollar today, because a dollar today could be invested and earn interest. To calculate a present value, future amounts are thus reduced using an assumed interest rate, and those reduced amounts are summed.
Participants for the Social Security and Medicare programs are assumed to be the "closed group" of individuals who are at least age 15 at the start of the projection period, and are participating as either taxpayers, beneficiaries, or both, except for the 2007 Medicare programs for which current participants are assumed to be at least 18 instead of 15 years of age.
The present values of future expenditures in excess of future revenue are the current amounts of funds needed to cover projected shortfalls, excluding the starting trust fund balances, over the projection period. They are calculated by subtracting the actuarial present values of future scheduled contributions and dedicated tax income by and on behalf of current and future participants from the actuarial present value of the future scheduled benefit payments to them or on their behalf.
Page
16: "The resulting present value is the
amount that would have to be put in the bank
today at the assumed interest rate to fund
the future cash flows."
[20] "2008 Financial
Report of the United States Government."
U.S. Department of the Treasury, 2008.
http://www.fms.treas.gov/fr/08frusg/08frusg.pdf
NOTE:
In addition to the "closed group"
projections, the annual Financial Report of
the United States Government also contains
projections for the "open-group" and
"infinite horizon." Details are below.
Page
10: " 'Closed' Group and 'Open' Group differ
by the population included in each
calculation. From the [Statement of Social
Insurance], the 'Closed' Group includes: (1)
participants who have attained eligibility
and (2) participants who have not attained
eligibility. The 'Open' Group adds future
participants to 'Closed' Group."
Page 122:
Current participants in the Social Security and Medicare programs form the "closed group" of taxpayers and/or beneficiaries who are at least age 15 at the start of the projection period. For the 2007 Medicare projections, current participants are at least 18 years of age at the beginning of the projection period. Since the projection period for the Social Security, Medicare, and Railroad Retirement social insurance programs consists of 75 years, the period covers virtually all of the current participants’ working and retirement years, a period that could be more than 75 years in a relatively small number of instances.
Page 137:
[W]hen calculating unfunded obligations, a 75-year horizon includes revenue from some future workers but only a fraction of their future benefits. In order to provide a more complete estimate of the long-run unfunded obligations of the programs, estimates can be extended to the infinite horizon. The open-group infinite horizon net obligation is the present value of all expected future program outlays less the present value of all expected future program tax and premium revenues. …
In comparison to the analogous 75-year number in Table 5, extending the calculations beyond 2082, captures the full lifetime benefits and taxes and premiums of all current and future participants. The shorter horizon understates financial needs by capturing relatively more of the revenues from current and future workers and not capturing all of the benefits that are scheduled to be paid to them.
|
Federal Debt, Liabilities, Obligations, and Assets at Close of the 2014 Fiscal Year |
|
|
Category |
(Billions $) |
| Publicly Held Debta b | 12,833.6 |
| Liabilitiesc | 7,932 |
| Social Security Future Expenditures in Excess of Future Dedicated Revenuesd b | 28,150 |
| Medicare Future Expenditures in Excess of Future Dedicated Revenuese b | 28,481 |
| Assetsf | -3,065.3 |
| Total | 74,331 |
NOTES:
a) "Fiscal Year 2014 Financial Report of the
United States Government." U.S. Department
of the Treasury, February 26, 2015.
http://www.fiscal.treasury.gov/…
Page 48: "United States Government Balance
Sheets as of September 30, 2014 (In billions
of dollars) … Federal debt securities held
by the public and accrued interest [=]
12,833.6"
b) "Publicly held debt" differs from the
"national debt" in that it excludes
"intergovernmental debt," which is money
that the federal government owes to various
trust funds such as Social Security's. Just
Facts uses the publicly held debt in this
calculation because this is the convention
of the Financial Report of the United States
Government, which is the source for the
federal assets and liabilities cited in the
table above. Facts regarding why and how the
federal government keeps its books in this
manner are covered in the section of this
research entitled "Government
Accounting." Hence, to account for the
portion of the national debt that consists
of monies owed to the Social Security and
Medicare Trust Funds, the shortfalls for
these programs in the table above do not
include the trust fund balances.
c) See here
d) Calculated by adding Social
Security's unfunded closed-group obligation
of $25,386 billion to Social Security's
trust fund assets of $2,764 billion (see
here for documentation of this data). The
sum of these figures equals $28,150 billion.
e) Calculated by adding Medicare's unfunded
closed-group obligation of $28,200 billion
to Medicare's trust fund assets of $280.5
billion (see
here for documentation of this data).
The sum of these figures equals $28,481
billion.
f) "Fiscal Year 2014
Financial Report of the United States
Government." U.S. Department of the
Treasury, February 26, 2015.
http://www.fiscal.treasury.gov/….
Page 46: "United States Government Balance Sheets"
|
Assets |
2014 (billions $) |
| Cash and other monetary assets | 264.9 |
| Accounts and taxes receivable, net | 104.0 |
| Loans Receivable and Mortgage-Backed Securities, net |
1,123.5 |
| TARP Direct Loans & Equity Investments, net |
2.2 |
| Inventories and related property, net | 318.4 |
| Property, plant, and equipment, net | 878.3 |
| Debt and equity securities | 115.4 |
| Investments in Government-Sponsored Enterprises; |
95.8 |
| Other assets | 162.8 |
| Total | 3065.3 |
Page 133: "B.101 Balance Sheet of Households
and Nonprofit Organizations … Billions of
dollars; amounts outstanding end of period,
not seasonally adjusted … [Line] 42 Net
worth … 2014 Q3 [=] 81394.8"
NOTE: Household assets detailed in this
table include items such as real estate,
corporate equities, mutual funds, equity in
noncorporate businesses, life insurance,
pension fund reserves, and consumer durable
goods. Liabilities detailed in this table
include items such as home mortgages and
consumer credit. Nonprofit organizations are
explicitly named in the title of this table
because their assets are not considered
household property, whereas assets of
for-profit entities are considered household
property.
CALCULATION: $74,331 in federal debts,
liabilities, and Social Security/Medicare
obligations / $8,1394.8 net worth of
households and nonprofit organizations = 91%
[23] Webpage: "Updated
PPI Commodity Weight Allocations to
Stage-of-Processing Indexes." Bureau of
Labor Statistics. Last modified February 18,
2009.
http://www.bls.gov/ppi/ppisopallo.htm
"SOP
3130 - Consumer Durable Goods: contains
nonfood products, ready for final
consumption, with a life expectancy of more
than three years. Examples of durable goods
include furniture, passenger cars, and
appliances."
[24] Dataset: "Monthly
Population Estimates for the United States:
April 1, 2010 to December 1, 2015." U.S.
Census Bureau, Population Division, March
2015.
http://www.census.gov/popest/data/index.html
"Resident Population … October 1, 2014 [=]
319,528,204"
CALCULATION: $74,331,000,000,000 /
319,528,204 people = $232,627/person
[25] Dataset: "Average
Number of People per Household, by Race and
Hispanic Origin, Marital Status, Age, and
Education of Householder: 2014." U.S. Census
Bureau, January 2015.
http://www.census.gov/hhes/families/data/cps2014.html
"Total households (In Thousands) … All [=]
123,229"
CALCULATION: $74,331,000,000,000 /
123,229,000 households = $603,194 /
household
[26] Dataset: "Table 1.1.5.
Gross Domestic Product." U.S. Bureau of
Economic Analysis. Last revised March 27,
2015.
http://www.bea.gov/iTable/iTable.cfm?ReqID=9&step=1
"[Billions of dollars] Seasonally adjusted
at annual rates … Gross Domestic Product …
2014Q3 [=] 17,599.8"
CALCULATION: $74,331,000,000,000 / $17,599,800,000,000 GDP = 422%
[27] Dataset: "Table 3.2.
Federal Government Current Receipts and
Expenditures." U.S. Department of Commerce,
Bureau of Economic Analysis. Last revised
March 27, 2015.
http://www.bea.gov/iTable/iTable.cfm?ReqID=9&step=1
"[Billions of dollars] Seasonally adjusted
at annual rates … Total receipts … 2014Q3
[=] 3,362.9"
CALCULATION: $74,331,000,000,000 /
$3,362,900,000,000 receipts = 2,210%
[28] "2008 Financial
Report of the United States Government."
U.S. Department of the Treasury, 2008.
http://www.fms.treas.gov/fr/08frusg/08frusg.pdf
Page
28 (in pdf): "The SOSI [Statement of Social
Insurance] provides additional perspective
on the Government's long term estimated
exposures and costs. However, it should be
noted that the Government's financial
statements do not reflect future costs
implied by any current policy, such as
national defense, the global war on
terrorism, and disaster relief and
recovery."
[29] "2010 Financial
Report of the United States Government."
U.S. Department of the Treasury, December
21, 2010.
http://www.fms.treas.gov/fr/10frusg/10frusg.pdf
Page
5: "Further, the long-term nature of these
costs and their sensitivity to a wide range
of complex assumptions can, in some cases,
cause significant fluctuation in agency and
Governmentwide costs from year to year. … At
VA and other agencies that administer
postemployment benefit programs, these
fluctuations are attributable to an array of
assumptions and variables including interest
rates, inflation, beneficiary eligibility,
life expectancy, and cost of living."
Page 131: "Assumptions are made about many economic and demographic factors, including gross domestic product (GDP), earnings, the CPI, the unemployment rate, the fertility rate, immigration, mortality, disability incidence and terminations and, for the Medicare projections, health care cost growth."
[30] "2014 Annual Report of
the Board of Trustees of The Federal Old-Age and Survivors Insurance and
Disability Insurance Trust Funds." United States Social Security Administration,
July 28, 2014.
http://www.ssa.gov/oact/tr/2014/tr2014.pdf
Page 8: "The intermediate assumptions reflect the Trustees' best estimates of
future experience. Therefore, most of the figures in this overview present only
the outcomes under the immediate assumptions. Any projection of the future is,
of course, uncertain. For this reason, the Trustees also present results under
low-cost and high-cost alternatives to provide a range of possible future
experience."
Page 18: "Uncertainty of the Projections … Significant uncertainty surrounds the
intermediate assumptions."
NOTE:
For a detailed explanation of Social
Security's finances, visit Just Facts'
research on this issue at
http://www.justfacts.com/socialsecurity.asp#financial
[31] "2014 Annual Report of
the Boards of Trustees of the Federal
Hospital Insurance and Federal Supplementary
Medical Insurance Trust Funds." Centers for
Medicare and Medicaid Services, July 28,
2014.
http://www.cms.gov/…
Pages 276-277:
STATEMENT OF ACTUARIAL OPINION …
In past reports, the Board of Trustees has
emphasized the virtual certainty that actual
Part B expenditures will exceed the
projections under current law due to further
legislative action to avoid substantial
reductions in the Medicare physician fee
schedule. Current law would require a
physician fee reduction of almost 21 percent
on April 1, 2015—an implausible expectation.
Since lawmakers have overridden these
scheduled reductions each year since 2003,
the Trustees have changed the basis of their
projections of Part B expenditures from
current law to a projected baseline, which
includes an assumption that the physician
payment updates will equal the increase
averaged over the last 10 years. This change
results in a far more reasonable expectation
of Medicare expenditures than occurs under
current law. The projected baseline
estimates are summarized throughout the main
body of this report, while current-law
estimates are included in appendix C.
The Affordable Care Act is making important
changes to the Medicare program that are
designed, in part, to substantially improve
its financial outlook. While the ACA has
been successful in reducing many Medicare
expenditures to date, there is a strong
possibility that certain of these changes
will not be viable in the long range.
Specifically, the annual price updates for
most categories of non-physician health
services will be adjusted downward each year
by the growth in economy-wide productivity.
The ability of health care providers to
sustain these price reductions will be
challenging, as the best available evidence
indicates that most providers cannot improve
their productivity to this degree for a
prolonged period given the labor-intensive
nature of these services.
Absent an unprecedented change in health
care delivery systems and payment
mechanisms, the prices paid by Medicare for
health services will fall increasingly short
of the costs of providing these services. By
the end of the long-range projection period,
Medicare prices for many services would be
less than half of their level without
consideration of the productivity price
reductions. Before such an outcome would
occur, lawmakers would likely intervene to
prevent the withdrawal of providers from the
Medicare market and the severe problems with
beneficiary access to care that would
result. Overriding the productivity
adjustments, as lawmakers have done
repeatedly in the case of physician payment
rates, would lead to substantially higher
costs for Medicare in the long range than
those projected in this report.
NOTES:
- Credit for bringing this fact to our attention belongs to Alex Adrianson of the Heritage Foundation. [Commentary: "What If Things that Have No Chance of Happening Happen? Asks Medicare’s Actuaries." By Alex Adrianson. InsiderOnline, August 12, 2010. http://www.insideronline.org/blogarchive.cfm?month=…]
- Cuts in Medicaid prices under the Affordable Care Act affect "hospital, skilled nursing facility, home health, hospice, ambulatory surgical center, diagnostic laboratory, and many other services." ["2013 Annual Report of the Boards of Trustees of the Federal Hospital Insurance and Federal Supplementary Medical Insurance Trust Funds." Centers for Medicare and Medicaid Services, May 31, 2013. http://www.cms.gov/…. Page 273.]
- For a detailed explanation of Medicare's finances, visit Just Facts' research on this issue at http://www.justfacts.com/healthcare.asp#medicare_finances
[32] For explanation of
the differences between "total" and
"current" expenditures, see
http://faq.bea.gov/cgi-bin/bea.cfg/php/enduser/…
and
http://www.bea.gov/scb/pdf/2008/03March/0308_primer.pdf
[33] Calculated with data
from:
a)
Dataset: "Table 3.2. Federal Government Current
Receipts and Expenditures." United States
Department of Commerce, Bureau of Economic
Analysis. Last revised February 25, 2011.
http://www.bea.gov/national/nipaweb/TableView.asp?…
b)
"Glossary." United States Department of
Commerce, Bureau of Economic Analysis. Last
modified August 8, 2008.
http://www.bea.gov/glossary/glossary_a.htm
|
Primary constituents of receipts from Table 3.2: "Federal Government Current Receipts and Expenditures." |
2009
(billions $) |
Portion of
Total |
| Current tax receipts. Tax revenues received by government from all sources. It is the sum of personal current taxes, taxes on production and imports, taxes on corporate income, and taxes from the rest of the world. | 1,142 | 52% |
| Contribution* for government social insurance. Employer contributions for government social insurance as well as payments by employees, the self-employed, and other individuals who participate in government social insurance programs. | 954 | 43% |
| Income receipts on assets. … For government, it consists of interest and miscellaneous receipts and dividends. | 46 | 2% |
| Current transfer receipts. Government net transfer receipts from businesses and from persons. These receipts largely consist of deposit insurance premiums, net insurance settlements, donations, fines, fees, certain penalty taxes, and excise taxes paid by nonprofit institutions serving households. | 68 | 3% |
| Current surplus of government enterprises. The current operating revenue and subsidies received by government enterprises from other levels of government less the current expenses of government enterprises. | -4 | 0% |
*
NOTE: In this context, "contribution" is
another name for taxes that fund social
insurance programs like Social Security &
Medicare. [Webpage: " What does FICA mean
and why are Social Security taxes called
FICA contributions?" United States Social
Security Administration. Last reviewed or
modified February 9, 2011.
http://www.ssa.gov/mystatement/fica.htm
"Social Security payroll taxes are collected under authority of the Federal Insurance Contributions Act (FICA). … The payroll taxes collected for Social Security are of course taxes, but they can also be described as contributions to the social insurance system that is Social Security."]
[34] Calculated with data
from:
a) Dataset: "Table 3.2. Federal Government
Current Receipts and Expenditures." United
States Department of Commerce, Bureau of
Economic Analysis. Last revised May 29,
2015.
http://www.bea.gov/iTable/iTable.cfm?ReqID=9&step=1
Line items 1 and 20: "Current receipts" and
"Current expenditures"
b) Dataset: "Table 1.1.5. Gross Domestic Product."
United States Department of Commerce, Bureau
of Economic Analysis. Last revised May 29,
2015.
http://www.bea.gov/iTable/iTable.cfm?ReqID=9&step=1
NOTE:
An Excel file containing the data and
calculations is available
upon
request.
[35] Calculated with data
from:
a) Dataset: "Table 3.2. Federal Government
Current Receipts and Expenditures." United
States Department of Commerce, Bureau of
Economic Analysis. Last revised May 29,
2015.
http://www.bea.gov/iTable/iTable.cfm?ReqID=9&step=1
Line items 36 and 39: "Total receipts" and
"Total expenditures."
b) Dataset: "Table 1.1.5. Gross Domestic Product."
United States Department of Commerce, Bureau
of Economic Analysis. Last revised October
26, 2012.
http://www.bea.gov/iTable/iTable.cfm?ReqID=9&step=1
NOTE:
An Excel file containing the data and
calculations is available
upon
request.
[36] Although the
below-cited table of "Government Current
Expenditures by Function" includes a line
item for "Highways," the BEA's definition of
"Government Current Expenditures" does not
include "Gross Investment," which is defined
as "what government spends on structures,
equipment, and software, such as new
highways, schools, and computers." Such
spending is included in "Total Government
Expenditures,"* for which the BEA does not
provide a breakdown by function.
*
Webpage: "FAQ: BEA seems to have several
different measures of government spending.
What are they for and what do they measure?"
United States Department of Commerce, Bureau
of Economic Analysis. Last updated May 28,
2010.
http://faq.bea.gov/cgi-bin/bea.cfg/php/enduser/std_adp.php?…
[37] Calculated with data
from:
a)
Dataset: "Table 3.16. Government Current Expenditures
by Function." U.S. Department of Commerce,
Bureau of Economic Analysis. Last revised
November 4, 2015.
http://www.bea.gov/iTable/iTable.cfm…
b)
Report: "Fiscal Year 2016 Historical
Tables: Budget Of The U.S. Government."
White House Office of Management and Budget, February 2, 2015.
http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/omb/…
Pages 55-64: "Table 3.1—Outlays
by Superfunction and Function:
1940–2018."
Line item: "Veterans Benefits and Services."
NOTES:
- Per correspondence from the Bureau of Economic Analysis (March 8, 2011), spending for veterans' benefits is "included within those functions that best reflect the nature of the specific benefits programs managed by the agency." Per the White House Office of Management and Budget (Table 3.2: "Outlays by Function and Subfunction, 1962–2016." Accessed March 8, 2011 at http://www.whitehouse.gov/omb/budget/Historicals), "Veterans benefits and services" consist of "Income security for veterans," "Veterans education, training, and rehabilitation," "Hospital and medical care for veterans," "Veterans housing," and "Other veterans benefits and services." These all fall into categories that Just Facts categorizes as "Social programs." Thus, Just Facts subtracted the total "Veterans benefits and services" from the "Social programs" category and added this to the "National defense" category. Per the same correspondence from the Bureau of Economic Analysis, "The administrative expenses of the [Veterans' Affairs] agency … might be included within the General Public Service function." Because of the uncertainty implicit in this statement and the lack of such data from all sources known to Just Facts, we are unable to segregate this spending.
- Given the recent steep rise in the national debt, Just Facts has been asked why the portion of federal spending dedicated to "General government and debt service" has generally fallen since the mid-1990s. Major causes for this include (1) the recent steep rise in overall government spending (2) the recent low interest rates (3) the interest payments shown here do not include the interest due on government-held (a.k.a., "nonmarketable") debt, which as of November 30, 2015, has a 49% higher interest rate than publicly held debt ["Average Interest Rates on U.S. Treasury Securities." U.S. Department of the Treasury. Last updated December 4, 2015. http://www.treasurydirect.gov/]. Facts regarding how and why the federal government keeps its books in this manner are covered in the section of this research entitled "Government Accounting."
- An Excel file containing the data and calculations is available upon request.
[38] Constructed with
data from:
a) Dataset: "The Distribution of Household Income and Federal Taxes, 2011." Congressional Budget Office, November 12, 2014. http://www.cbo.gov/…
b) Report: "The Distribution of Household Income and Federal Taxes, 2011." Congressional Budget Office, November 12, 2014. https://www.cbo.gov/…
Page 1: "Federal taxes as examined in this
report comprise four separate sources:
individual income taxes, payroll (or social
insurance) taxes, corporate income taxes,
and excise taxes."
Page 5:
For this analysis, federal taxes include
individual income taxes, payroll taxes,
corporate income taxes, and excise taxes,
which together accounted for approximately
92 percent of all federal revenues in fiscal
year 2011. Revenues from states' deposits
for unemployment insurance, estate and gift
taxes, miscellaneous fees and fines, and net
income earned by the Federal Reserve, which
make up the remaining 8 percent, are not
allocated to households in this analysis,
mainly because it is uncertain to which
households those revenue sources should be
attributed.
Page 2 (in PDF): "Before-tax income
is market income plus government transfers.
Market income consists of labor
income, business income, capital gains
(profits realized from the sale of assets),
capital income excluding capital gains,
income received in retirement for past
services, and other sources of income."
Pages 32–33:
Government transfers consist of the
cost of two types of benefits: Cash.
Payments from Social Security, unemployment
insurance, Supplemental Security Income,
Temporary Assistance for Needy Families (and
its predecessor, Aid to Families With
Dependent Children), veterans' programs,
workers' compensation, and state and local
government assistance programs. In-Kind
Benefits. The cost of Supplemental
Nutrition Assistance Program vouchers
(popularly known as food stamps); school
lunches and breakfasts; housing assistance;
energy assistance; and benefits provided by
Medicare, Medicaid, and the Children's
Health Insurance Program.
Page 5:
Transfers as measured in this report do not
equal total government spending on the
transfer programs included in the analysis.
The values of most transfers are based on
amounts reported in the Census Bureau's
Current Population Survey. The values of
transfers from Medicare, Medicaid, and the
Children's Health Insurance Program are
based on the Census Bureau's estimate of the
government's average cost of providing those
benefits. In addition, because some
transfers go to recipients outside the scope
of the survey data collected by the Census
Bureau and because some recipients misreport
the amount of transfer payments they
receive, the total amount of government
transfers observed in the data used here is
lower than the total amount the government
spends through those transfer programs.
Pages 15–16:
Two important caveats apply to CBO's
estimates of federal tax rates under 2013
tax rules. First, the analysis does not
account for any shifts in the distribution
of income between 2011 and 2013, which will
not be known until detailed tax information
becomes available. The further recovery of
the economy might have resulted in uneven
growth in incomes at different points in the
income scale, which could affect tax rates
for households in different income groups.
Additionally, taxpayers probably changed
their behavior in various ways in response
to the changes in tax rules between 2011 and
2013. For example, higher-income taxpayers
probably shifted some income from 2013 into
2012 in anticipation of the scheduled tax
increases. Such shifts represent temporary
changes in income, and holding incomes
fixed, as this analysis does, may be a
better way to measure the longterm effects
of the tax changes. However, higher-income
taxpayers probably also reduced their
incomes in permanent ways because of the tax
increases, and to the extent that is true,
holding incomes fixed misstates the
long-term effects of the tax changes.
Second, CBO considered only the major
changes to individual income and payroll
taxes and did not incorporate minor changes
to those taxes or any changes to corporate
income taxes or excise taxes.20
For example, under 2011 law, tax filers with
qualifying investment properties could
deduct 100 percent of their investment
expenses. That full expensing provision
(introduced in the Tax Relief, Unemployment
Insurance Reauthorization, and Job Creation
Act of 2010) expired at the end of 2012, and
the depreciation schedule used for
investments in 2013 was less generous than
the full expensing in effect in 2011. Under
the rules for 2013, depreciation deductions
would have been smaller and taxable business
income and taxes would therefore have been
larger than the amounts reflected in CBO's
analysis of 2011 data.
NOTE: An Excel file containing the data and calculations is available upon request.
[40] Brief: "Federal
Debt and the Risk of a Fiscal Crisis."
Congressional Budget Office, July 27, 2010.
http://www.cbo.gov/ftpdocs/116xx/doc11659/07-27_Debt_…
Page
1: "Some of those consequences would arise
gradually: A growing portion of people's
savings would go to purchase government debt
rather than toward investments in productive
capital goods such as factories and
computers; that 'crowding out' of investment
would lead to lower output and incomes than
would otherwise occur."
[41] Report: "The
Long-Term Budget Outlook." Congressional
Budget Office, June 2010 (Revised August
2010).
http://www.cbo.gov/sites/default/files/06-30-ltbo.pdf
Page
xi: "Large budget deficits would reduce
national saving, leading to higher interest
rates, more borrowing from abroad, and less
domestic investment—which in turn would
lower income growth in the United States."
[42] Paper: "Tempting
Fate: The Federal Budget Outlook." By Alan
J. Auerbach and William G. Gale. Brookings
Institution, February 8, 2011.
http://www.brookings.edu/~/media/Files/rc/papers/2011/…
Page
14: "[S]ustained large deficits will reduce
future national income and living
standards."
[43] Brief: "Federal
Debt and the Risk of a Fiscal Crisis."
Congressional Budget Office, July 27, 2010.
http://www.cbo.gov/ftpdocs/116xx/doc11659/07-27_Debt_FiscalCrisis_Brief.pdf
Page
1: "Rising interest costs might also force
reductions in spending on important
government programs."
[44] Brief: "Federal
Debt and the Risk of a Fiscal Crisis."
Congressional Budget Office, July 27, 2010.
http://www.cbo.gov/ftpdocs/116xx/doc11659/07-27_…
Page
1: "[I]f the payment of interest on the
extra debt was financed by imposing higher
marginal tax rates, those rates would
discourage work and saving and further
reduce output."
[45] Book: This Time
is Different: Eight Centuries of Financial
Folly. By Carmen M. Reinhart (University
of Maryland) and Kenneth S. Rogoff (Harvard
University). Princeton University Press,
2009.
Page xxvii: "Our aim here is to be expansive, systematic, and quantitative: our empirical analysis covers sixty-six countries over nearly eight centuries."
Page
175: "[I]nflation has long been the weapon
of choice in sovereign defaults on domestic
debt and, where possible, on international
debt."
Page
77: "Inflation conditions often continue to
worsen after an external default.12"
Page
398: "12 Domestic defaults
produce even worse inflation outcomes; see
chapter 9."
Page
175: "[G]overnments engage in massive
monetary expansion, in part because they can
thereby gain a seigniorage tax on real money
balances (by inflating down the value of
citizen's currency and issuing more to meet
demand). But they also want to reduce,
or even wipe out, the real value of public
debts outstanding."
Page
400: "Seigniorage is simply the real income
a government can realize by exercising its
monopoly on printing currency. The revenue
can be broken down into the quantity of
currency needed to meet the growing
transactions demand at constant prices and
the remaining growth, which causes
inflation, thereby lowering the purchasing
power of existing currency."
[46] Brief: "Federal
Debt and the Risk of a Fiscal Crisis."
Congressional Budget Office, July 27, 2010.
http://www.cbo.gov/ftpdocs/116xx/doc11659/07-27_…
Page
13:
[A]s governments create money to finance their activities or pay creditors during fiscal crises, they raise inflation. Higher inflation has negative consequences for the economy, especially if inflation moves above the moderate rates seen in most developed countries in recent years.[footnote omitted] Higher inflation might appear to benefit the U.S. government financially because the value of the outstanding debt (which is mostly fixed in dollar terms) would be lowered relative to the size of the economy (which would increase when measured in dollar terms). [footnote omitted] However, higher inflation would also increase the size of future budget deficits.
A rising level of government debt would have another significant negative consequence. Combined with an unfavorable long-term budget outlook, it would increase the probability of a fiscal crisis for the United States. In such a crisis, investors become unwilling to finance all of a government's borrowing needs unless they are compensated with very high interest rates; as a result, the interest rates on government debt rise suddenly and sharply relative to rates of return on other assets. Unfortunately, there is no way to predict with any confidence whether and when such a crisis might occur in the United States; in particular, there is no identifiable tipping point of debt relative to GDP indicating that a crisis is likely or imminent. But all else being equal, the higher the debt, the greater the risk of such a crisis. …
The history of fiscal crises in other countries does not necessarily indicate the conditions under which investors might lose confidence in the U.S. government's ability to manage its budget or the consequences for the nation of such a loss of confidence. On the one hand, the United States may be able to issue more debt (relative to output) than the governments of other countries can, without triggering a crisis, because the United States has often been viewed as a "safe haven" by investors around the world, and the U.S. government's securities have often been viewed as being among the safest investments in the world. On the other hand, the United States may not be able to issue as much debt as the governments of other countries can because the private saving rate has been lower in the United States than in most developed countries, and a significant share of U.S. debt has been sold to foreign investors.
In this paper, we use the long-dated cross-country data on public debt
developed by Reinhart and Rogoff (2009) to examine the growth and interest
rates associated with prolonged periods of exceptionally high public debt,
defined as episodes where public debt to GDP exceeded 90 percent for at
least five years. (The basic results here are reasonably robust to choices
other than 90 percent as the critical threshold, as in Reinhart and Rogoff
2010a, b).1 Over the years 1800–2011, we find 26 such episodes
across the advanced economies. While data limitations may have prevented us
from including every episode of high public debt in advanced economies since
1800, we are confident that this list encompasses the preponderance of such
episodes. To focus on the association between high debt and long-term
growth, we only cursorily treat shorter episodes lasting under five years,
of which there turn out to be only a few. The long length of typical public
debt overhang episodes suggests that even if such episodes are originally
caused by a traumatic event such as a war or financial crisis, they can take
on a self-propelling character.
Consistent with a small but growing body of research, we find that the vast majority of high debt episodes—23 of the 26—coincide with substantially slower growth. On average across individual countries, debt/GDP levels above 90 percent are associated with an average annual growth rate 1.2 percent lower than in periods with debt below 90 percent debt; the average annual levels are 2.3 percent during the periods of exceptionally high debt versus 3.5 percent otherwise.
| Quarter | Debt (billions $) | GDP (billions $) | Debt/GDP |
| 2009-Q4 | 12,311.3 | 14,277.3 | 86% |
| 2010-Q1 | 12,773.1 | 14,446.4 | 88% |
| 2010-Q2 | 13,203.5 | 14,578.7 | 91% |
| 2010-Q3 | 13,561.6 | 14,745.1 | 92% |
| 2010-Q4 | 14,025.2 | 14,871.4 | 94% |
[55] Constitution of the
United States. Signed September 17, 1787.
http://justfacts.com/constitution.asp
Article I, Section 7:
[Clause 1] All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with Amendments as on other Bills.
[Clause 2] Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the President of the United States; If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their Adjournment prevent its Return, in which Case it shall not be a Law.
•
Discretionary spending, which accounts for
one-third of all Federal spending, is what
the President and Congress must decide to
spend for the next year through the 13
annual appropriations bills. It includes
money for such activities as the FBI and the
Coast Guard, for housing and education, for
space exploration and highway construction,
and for defense and foreign aid.
•
Mandatory spending, which accounts for
two-thirds of all spending, is authorized by
permanent laws, not by the 13 annual
appropriations bills. It includes
entitlements--such as Social Security,
Medicare, veterans' benefits, and Food
Stamps--through which individuals receive
benefits because they are eligible based on
their age, income, or other criteria. It
also includes interest on the national debt,
which the Government pays to individuals and
institutions that hold Treasury bonds and
other Government securities. The President
and Congress can change the law in order to
change the spending on entitlements and
other mandatory programs--but they don't
have to.
Table 2: Forces Shaping the United States and Its Place in the World
Changing security threats: The world has changed dramatically in overall security, from the conventional threats posed during the Cold War era to more unconventional and asymmetric threats. Providing for people’s safety and security requires attention to threats as diverse as terrorism, violent crime, natural disasters, and infectious diseases. The response to many of these threats depends not only on the action of the U.S. government but also on the cooperation of other nations and multilateral organizations, as well as on state and local governments and the private and independent sectors. Complicating such efforts are a number of failed states allowing the trade of arms, drugs, or other illegal goods; the spread of infectious diseases; and the accommodation of terrorist groups. …
Economic growth and competitiveness:
Economic growth and competition are also
affected by the skills and behavior of U.S.
citizens, the policies of the U.S.
government, and the ability of the private
and public sectors to innovate and manage
change. … Importantly, the saving and
investment behavior of U.S. citizens affects
the capital available to invest in research,
development, and productivity enhancement. …
Global interdependency: Economies as
well as governments and societies are
becoming increasingly interdependent as more
people, information, goods, and capital flow
across increasingly porous borders. …
Societal change: The U.S. population is aging and becoming more diverse. As U.S. society ages and the ratio of elderly persons and children to persons of working age increases, the sustainability of social insurance systems will be further threatened. Specifically, according to the 2000 census, the median age of the U.S. population is now the highest it has ever been, and the baby boomer age group—people born from 1946 to 1964, inclusive—was a significant part of the population.
Pages 77, 79: "CBO's extended alternative
fiscal scenario is based on the assumptions
that certain policies that are now in place
but are scheduled to change under current
law will be continued and that some
provisions of law that might be difficult to
sustain for a long period will be modified.
The scenario, therefore, captures what some
analysts might consider to be current policies, as opposed to current laws."
[59] Dataset: "The 2014
Long-Term Budget Outlook." Congressional
Budget Office, July 15, 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
Tab 2: "Economic Variables Underlying the
Long-Term Budget Projections and Projections
of GDP and Population."
[60] Calculated with the dataset:
"Unemployment Rate, Civilian Labor Force,
LNS14000000." U.S. Department of Labor,
Bureau of Labor Statistics. Accessed June
23, 2015 at
http://data.bls.gov/cgi-bin/surveymost?ln
NOTE:
An Excel file containing the data and
calculations is available
upon
request.
[61] Calculated with the
dataset: "The 2014 Long-Term Budget
Outlook." Congressional Budget Office, July
15, 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
Tab 2: "Economic Variables Underlying the
Long-Term Budget Projections and Projections
of GDP and Population."
NOTE:
An Excel file containing the data and
calculations is available
upon
request.
[62] Calculated with the
dataset: "Table 1.1.1. Percent Change From
Preceding Period in Real Gross Domestic
Product." U.S. Department of Commerce,
Bureau of Economic Analysis. Last revised
May 29, 2015.
http://www.bea.gov/…
NOTE:
An Excel file containing the data and
calculations is available
upon
request.
[63] Dataset: "The 2014
Long-Term Budget Outlook." Congressional
Budget Office, July 15, 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
Tab 6. "Summary Data for the Extended
Alternative Fiscal Scenario, Without
Macroeconomic Feedback."
[64] Calculated with the
dataset: "The 2014 Long-Term Budget
Outlook." Congressional Budget Office, July
15, 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
Figure 1-3. "Spending and Revenues Under
CBO's Extended Baseline, Compared With Past
Averages."
[65] Dataset: "The 2014
Long-Term Budget Outlook." Congressional
Budget Office, July 15, 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
Tab 6. "Summary Data for the Extended
Alternative Fiscal Scenario, Without
Macroeconomic Feedback."
[66] Dataset: "The 2014
Long-Term Budget Outlook." Congressional
Budget Office, July 15, 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
Figure 1-3. "Spending and Revenues Under
CBO's Extended Baseline, Compared With Past
Averages."
[67] Report: "The 2014
Long-Term Budget Outlook." Congressional
Budget Office, July 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
Pages 117–118:
Under its extended alternative fiscal
scenario last year, CBO assumed that
lawmakers would not allow various restraints
on the growth of Medicare costs and health
insurance subsidies to exert their full
effect after the first 10 years of the
projection period. However, this year, after
reassessing the uncertainties involved, CBO
no longer projects whether or when those
restraints might wane. Instead, for those
elements of the alternative fiscal scenario,
there are now no differences from the
extended baseline. For both, CBO projects
that growth rates for Medicare costs will
move linearly over 15 years (from 2024 to
2039) to the underlying rate that the agency
has projected and that the exchange
subsidies will do the same. (One exception
to that new approach, though, concerns
Medicare's payment rates for physicians'
services. This year, as in previous years,
projected spending under the alternative
fiscal scenario reflects the assumption that
those payment rates would be held constant
at current levels rather than being cut by
about a quarter at the beginning of 2015, as
scheduled under current law.)
STATEMENT OF ACTUARIAL OPINION …
In past reports, the Board of Trustees has
emphasized the virtual certainty that actual
Part B expenditures will exceed the
projections under current law due to further
legislative action to avoid substantial
reductions in the Medicare physician fee
schedule. Current law would require a
physician fee reduction of almost 21 percent
on April 1, 2015—an implausible expectation.
Since lawmakers have overridden these
scheduled reductions each year since 2003,
the Trustees have changed the basis of their
projections of Part B expenditures from
current law to a projected baseline, which
includes an assumption that the physician
payment updates will equal the increase
averaged over the last 10 years. This change
results in a far more reasonable expectation
of Medicare expenditures than occurs under
current law. The projected baseline
estimates are summarized throughout the main
body of this report, while current-law
estimates are included in appendix C.
The Affordable Care Act is making important
changes to the Medicare program that are
designed, in part, to substantially improve
its financial outlook. While the ACA has
been successful in reducing many Medicare
expenditures to date, there is a strong
possibility that certain of these changes
will not be viable in the long range.
Specifically, the annual price updates for
most categories of non-physician health
services will be adjusted downward each year
by the growth in economy-wide productivity.
The ability of health care providers to
sustain these price reductions will be
challenging, as the best available evidence
indicates that most providers cannot improve
their productivity to this degree for a
prolonged period given the labor-intensive
nature of these services.
Absent an unprecedented change in health
care delivery systems and payment
mechanisms, the prices paid by Medicare for
health services will fall increasingly short
of the costs of providing these services. By
the end of the long-range projection period,
Medicare prices for many services would be
less than half of their level without
consideration of the productivity price
reductions. Before such an outcome would
occur, lawmakers would likely intervene to
prevent the withdrawal of providers from the
Medicare market and the severe problems with
beneficiary access to care that would
result. Overriding the productivity
adjustments, as lawmakers have done
repeatedly in the case of physician payment
rates, would lead to substantially higher
costs for Medicare in the long range than
those projected in this report.
a) Dataset: "The 2014 Long-Term Budget Outlook." Congressional Budget Office, July 15, 2014. https://www.cbo.gov/…
b) Dataset: "An Update to the Budget and
Economic Outlook: Fiscal Years 2014 to
2024." Congressional Budget Office, August
2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
[70] Report: "The 2014
Long-Term Budget Outlook." Congressional
Budget Office, July 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
Page 8:
Debt held by the public represents the
amount that the federal government has
borrowed in financial markets (by issuing
Treasury securities) to pay for its
operations and activities.3
3 When the federal government
borrows in financial markets, it competes
with other participants for financial
resources and, in the long run, crowds out
private investment, reducing economic output
and income. In contrast, federal debt held
by trust funds and other government accounts
represents internal transactions of the
government and has no direct effect on
financial markets. (That debt and debt held
by the public together make up gross federal
debt.)
Page 43: "Thereafter, spending for
[Medicare] Part A would begin to increase
more rapidly than income to the HI [Hospital
Insurance] trust fund, CBO projects, and the
trust fund would be exhausted sometime
around 2030."
Page 51: "Another commonly used measure of
Social Security’s sustainability is the
trust funds’ date of exhaustion. Under CBO’s
extended baseline, the DI [Disability
Insurance] trust fund would be exhausted in
fiscal year 2017 and the OASI [Old Age and
Survivors Insurance] trust fund would be
exhausted in calendar year 2032."
NOTE: For more detail about debt owed to
federal trust funds, click
here and
here.
"Figure 1-1. Federal Debt Held by the
Public"
"Figure 6-3. Long-Run Effects of the Fiscal
Policies in CBO’s Extended Alternative
Fiscal Scenario"
NOTE: These debt projections account for the
economic effects of federal debt, taxes, and
spending. Per CBO:
The results with economic feedback include
the economic effects of the budget policies
and the effects of that economic feedback on
the budget. Those results are CBO’s central
estimates from ranges determined by
alternative assessments about how much
deficits “crowd out” investment in capital
goods such as factories and computers
(because a larger portion of people’s
savings is being used to purchase government
securities) and how much people respond to
changes in after-tax wages by adjusting the
number of hours they work.
[Report: "The 2014 Long-Term Budget Outlook." Congressional Budget Office, July 2014. https://www.cbo.gov/…. Page 76.]
[72] a) Report: "The 2014
Long-Term Budget Outlook." Congressional
Budget Office, July 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
Pages 12-13:
Second, CBO has estimated the amount by
which delaying policy changes to reduce
deficits would increase the size of the
policy adjustments needed to achieve any
chosen goal for debt. If the goal was to
have the debt equal 74 percent of GDP in
2039 but to wait to implement new policies
until 2020, the combination of increases in
revenues and reductions in noninterest
spending over the 2020–2039 period would
need to be 1.5 percent of GDP, rather than
the 1.2 percent of GDP needed to reach that
goal if policy changes took effect in 2015
(see Figure 1-2). If lawmakers waited even
longer— until 2025—to take action, the
policy changes over the 2025–2039 period
would need to amount to 2.1 percent of GDP.
If, instead of aiming to keep debt from
rising relative to GDP, lawmakers wanted to
return debt to its historical average
percentage of GDP—but policy changes did not
take effect until 2020—the policy changes
would need to amount to 3.2 percent rather
than 2.6 percent of GDP. Waiting an
additional five years would require even
larger changes, amounting to 4.3 percent of
GDP.
Third, CBO has studied how waiting to
resolve the long-term fiscal imbalance would
affect various generations of the U.S.
population. In 2010, CBO compared economic
outcomes under a policy that would stabilize
the debt-to- GDP ratio starting in 2015 with
outcomes under a policy that would delay
stabilizing the ratio until 2025.6
That analysis suggested that generations
born after about 2015 would be worse off if
action to stabilize the debt-to-GDP ratio
was postponed to 2025. People born before
1990, however, would be better off if action
was delayed— largely because they would
partly or entirely avoid the policy changes
needed to stabilize the debt—and generations
born between 1990 and 2015 could either gain
or lose from a delay, depending on the
details of the policy changes.7
6. See Congressional Budget Office, Economic Impacts of Waiting to Resolve the
Long-Term Budget Imbalance
(December
2010),
www.cbo.gov/publication/21959. That
analysis was based on a projection of slower
growth in debt than CBO now projects, so the
estimated effects of a similar policy today
would be close, but not identical, to the
effects estimated in that earlier analysis.
7. Those conclusions do not incorporate the
possible negative effects of a fiscal crisis
or effects that might arise from the
government’s reduced flexibility to respond
to unexpected challenges.
b) Report: "The Long-Term Budget Outlook."
Congressional Budget Office, June 2010
(Revised August 2010).
https://www.cbo.gov/publication/21546?index=11579
Page 16:
Waiting to close the fiscal gap would make
the necessary changes larger. To illustrate
the costs of delay, CBO simulated the
effects of closing the fiscal gap under the
alternative fiscal scenario beginning in
2011, 2015, 2020, or 2025. Those simulations
indicate that postponing action would
substantially increase the size of the
policy adjustments needed to put the budget
on a sustainable course. For example, if
lawmakers wanted to close the fiscal gap
through 2035 but did not begin until 2015,
they would have to reduce primary spending
or increase revenues over that period by 5.7
percent of GDP, rather than by 4.8 percent
if they acted in 2011 (see Figure 1-3). If
they waited until 2020 to close the fiscal
gap through 2035, they would have to cut
noninterest outlays or raise revenues over
that period by 7.9 percent of GDP. Moreover,
those simulations omit the effects that
deficits and debt would have on economic
growth and interest rates in the intervening
years; incorporating such effects would make
the impact of delaying policy changes even
more severe.
[73] Webpage: "Paul
Davidson." University of Tennessee
Knoxville, 2011.
http://econ.bus.utk.edu/department/emeritus/davidson.asp
[74] Commentary: "Making
dollars and sense of the U.S. government
debt." By Paul Davidson. Journal of Post
Keynesian Economics, Summer 2010. Pages
663–667.
http://econ.bus.utk.edu/…
Pages 664–665.
[75] Webpage: "Douglas
J. Amy." Mount Holyoke College, 2011.
http://www.mtholyoke.edu/acad/facultyprofiles/douglas_amy.html
[76] Commentary: "The
Deficit Scare: Myth vs. Reality." By Douglas
J. Amy. Accessed March 22, 2011 at
http://www.governmentisgood.com/articles.php?aid=30&p=1
[77] Webpage: "Paul
Krugman." New York Times, 2011.
http://www.nytimes.com/column/paul-krugman
[78] Commentary: "How big
is $9 trillion?" By Paul Krugman. New
York Times, August 23, 2009.
http://krugman.blogs.nytimes.com/2009/08/23/how-big-is-9-trillion/
[79] Calculated with data
from:
a)
Dataset: "Table 3.2. Federal Government Current
Receipts and Expenditures." United States
Department of Commerce, Bureau of Economic
Analysis. Last revised February 25, 2011.
http://www.bea.gov/national/nipaweb/TableView.asp?…
Line
item 20: "Current expenditures"
b)
Dataset: "Table 1.1.5. Gross Domestic Product."
United States Department of Commerce, Bureau
of Economic Analysis. Last revised February
25, 2011.
http://www.bea.gov/national/nipaweb/TableView.asp?…
NOTE:
An Excel file containing the data and
calculations is available
upon
request.
[80] Calculated with data
from "Fiscal Year 2012 Historical Tables,
Budget of the U.S. Government." White House
Office of Management and Budget, 2010.
http://www.whitehouse.gov/sites/default/files/omb/budget/…
Page
139: "Table 7.1—Federal Debt at the End of
Year: 1940–2016 … Total Debt held by the
Public as a Percentage of GDP."
CALCULATION:
108.7
(publicly held debt as a % of GDP in 1946) -
36.4 (publicly held debt as a % of GDP in
1985) = 72.3
[81] Calculated with data
from:
a) Dataset: "The Long-Term Budget Outlook."
Congressional Budget Office, June 2010.
https://www.cbo.gov/sites/default/files/ltbo-2010data.xls
Subset: "Summary Data for the Alternative
Fiscal Scenario (percentages of gross
domestic product)"
b)
Dataset: "Table 3.2. Federal Government Current
Receipts and Expenditures." United States
Department of Commerce, Bureau of Economic
Analysis. Last revised February 25, 2011.
http://www.bea.gov/national/nipaweb/TableView.asp?…
Line
items 20: "Current expenditures"
c)
Dataset: "Table 1.1.5. Gross Domestic Product."
United States Department of Commerce, Bureau
of Economic Analysis. Last revised February
25, 2011.
http://www.bea.gov/national/nipaweb/TableView.asp?…
NOTES:
- The
methodologies used by the above-cited
government agencies to quantify federal
spending differ. The CBO uses "total
outlays" for projections, and the BEA uses
"current expenditures" for historical data
back to World War II. The CBO's spending
figure for 2010 is 24.3%, and the figure
calculated using BEA data is 25.4%. Thus,
Just Facts uses the term "over" to describe
the relationship between historical and
projected data in this context.
-
Excel files containing the data and
calculations are available
upon
request.
CALCULATIONS:
Average total outlays from 2011-2050 = 32.8%
of GDP
Average current expenditures from 1946-1985
= 18.4%
(32.8
– 18.4) / 18.4 = .782
[82] Calculated with
the dataset: "The Long-Term Budget Outlook."
Congressional Budget Office, June 2010."
https://www.cbo.gov/sites/default/files/ltbo-2010data.xls
Subset: "Summary Data for the Alternative
Fiscal Scenario"
344
(publicly held debt as a % of GDP in 2050) -
67 (publicly held debt as a % of GDP in
2011) = 277
[83] Report: "The 2014
Long-Term Budget Outlook." Congressional
Budget Office, July 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
Page 8: "CBO's long-term projections extend
beyond the usual 10-year budget window to
focus on the 25-year period ending in 2039.
They generally reflect current law,
following the agency's April 2014 baseline
budget projections through 2024 and then
extending the baseline concept into later
years; hence, they constitute what is called
the extended baseline."
[84] Dataset: "The 2014
Long-Term Budget Outlook." Congressional
Budget Office, July 15, 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
Tab 1. "Summary Data for the Extended
Baseline."
[85] Report: "The 2014
Long-Term Budget Outlook." Congressional
Budget Office, July 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
Pages 7–8: "… CBO projects, revenues would
remain roughly stable relative to GDP for
the next 10 years as an increase in
individual income taxes was offset by a
decline in receipts from corporate income
taxes and remittances from the Federal
Reserve (all relative to the size of the
economy)."
Page 18:
Revenue projections through 2024 follow the
10-year baseline, which generally
incorporates the assumption that various tax
provisions will expire as scheduled even if
they have routinely been extended in the
past. After 2024, rules for individual
income taxes, payroll taxes, excise taxes,
and estate and gift taxes are assumed to
evolve as scheduled under current law.13
Because of the structure of current tax law,
total federal revenues from those sources
are estimated to grow faster than GDP over
the long run. Revenues from corporate income
taxes and other sources (such as receipts
from the Federal Reserve System) are assumed
to remain constant as a percentage of GDP
after 2024….
13 The sole exception to the
current-law assumption applies to expiring
excise taxes dedicated to trust funds. The
Deficit Control Act requires CBO's baseline
to reflect the assumption that those taxes
would be extended at their current rates.
That law does not stipulate that the
baseline include the extension of other
expiring tax provisions, even if they have
been routinely extended in the past.
Page 59: "After 2024, revenues would
continue rising faster than GDP, largely for
two reasons: Growth in real
(inflation-adjusted) income and the
interaction of the tax system with inflation
would push a greater proportion of income
into higher tax brackets; and certain tax
increases enacted in the Affordable Care Act
(ACA) would generate increasing amounts of
revenues relative to the size of the
economy."
Pages 64–65:
Under CBO's extended baseline, marginal tax
rates on income from labor and capital would
rise over time. The effective federal
marginal tax rate on labor income—that is,
the marginal tax rate on labor income
averaged across taxpayers using weights
proportional to their labor income—is
projected to increase from about 29 percent
in calendar year 2014 to 34 percent in
2039…. By contrast, the effective federal
marginal tax rate on capital income (returns
on investment) is projected to rise only
from 18 percent to 19 percent over that
period.
Page 66:
The cumulative effect of rising prices would
significantly reduce the value of some
parameters of the tax system that are not
indexed for inflation. As one example, CBO
estimates that the amount of mortgage debt
eligible for the mortgage interest
deduction, which is not indexed for
inflation, would fall from $1 million today
to less than $600,000 in 2039 measured in
today's dollars. As another example, the
portion of Social Security benefits subject
to taxation would increase from about 30
percent now to about 50 percent by 2039, CBO
estimates, because the thresholds for taxing
benefits are not indexed for inflation.
[86] Calculated with data
from:
a) Dataset: "The 2014 Long-Term Budget
Outlook." Congressional Budget Office, July
15, 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
Tab 1. "Summary Data for the Extended
Baseline (Percentage of Gross Domestic
Product). … Revenues … 2084 [=] 23.5"
Figure 1-3. "Spending and Revenues Under
CBO's Extended Baseline, Compared With Past
Averages. (Percentage of Gross Domestic
Product) … Revenues … Total … Average,
1974–2013 [=] 17.4."
b) Report: "The 2014 Long-Term Budget Outlook." Congressional Budget Office, July 2014. https://www.cbo.gov/…
Page 60: "Over the past 40 years, total federal revenues have ranged from a high of 19.9 percent of GDP (in 2000) to a low of 14.6 percent (in 2009 and 2010), with no evident trend over time…."
CALCULATION: (23.5% - 17.4%) / 17.4% = 35%
[87] Dataset: "The 2014
Long-Term Budget Outlook." Congressional
Budget Office, July 15, 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
Tab 1. "Summary Data for the Extended
Baseline (Percentage of Gross Domestic
Product)."
[88] Calculated with the
dataset: "The 2014 Long-Term Budget
Outlook." Congressional Budget Office, July
15, 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
Tab 1. "Summary Data for the Extended
Baseline (Percentage of Gross Domestic
Product). … Total Spending … 2040 [=] 26.0."
Figure 1-3. "Spending and Revenues Under
CBO's Extended Baseline, Compared With Past
Averages. (Percentage of Gross Domestic
Product) … Spending … Total … Average,
1974–2013 [=] 20.5."
CALCULATION: (26.0% - 20.5%) / 20.5% = 27%
[89] Report: "The 2014
Long-Term Budget Outlook." Congressional
Budget Office, July 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
Page 8:
CBO's 10-year and extended baselines are
meant to serve as benchmarks for measuring
the budgetary effects of proposed changes in
federal revenues or spending. They are not
meant to be predictions of future budgetary
outcomes; rather, they represent CBO's best
assessment of how the economy and other
factors would affect revenues and spending
if current law generally remained unchanged.
In that way, the baselines incorporate the
assumption that some policy changes that
lawmakers have routinely made in the
past—such as preventing the sharp cuts to
Medicare's payment rates for physicians that
are called for by law—will not be made
again.
Page 16: "… the projections incorporate the
reduction in Medicare's payments to
physicians scheduled for 2015 and the
reductions in Medicare spending specified in
the Budget Control Act of 2011, as amended,
for 2015 through 2024."
[90] "2014 Annual
Report of the Boards of Trustees of the
Federal Hospital Insurance and Federal
Supplementary Medical Insurance Trust
Funds." Centers for Medicare and Medicaid
Services, July 28, 2014.
http://www.cms.gov/…
Pages 276–277:
STATEMENT OF ACTUARIAL OPINION …
In past reports, the Board of Trustees has
emphasized the virtual certainty that actual
Part B expenditures will exceed the
projections under current law due to further
legislative action to avoid substantial
reductions in the Medicare physician fee
schedule. Current law would require a
physician fee reduction of almost 21 percent
on April 1, 2015—an implausible expectation.
Since lawmakers have overridden these
scheduled reductions each year since 2003,
the Trustees have changed the basis of their
projections of Part B expenditures from
current law to a projected baseline, which
includes an assumption that the physician
payment updates will equal the increase
averaged over the last 10 years. This change
results in a far more reasonable expectation
of Medicare expenditures than occurs under
current law. The projected baseline
estimates are summarized throughout the main
body of this report, while current-law
estimates are included in appendix C.
The Affordable Care Act is making important
changes to the Medicare program that are
designed, in part, to substantially improve
its financial outlook. While the ACA has
been successful in reducing many Medicare
expenditures to date, there is a strong
possibility that certain of these changes
will not be viable in the long range.
Specifically, the annual price updates for
most categories of non-physician health
services will be adjusted downward each year
by the growth in economy-wide productivity.
The ability of health care providers to
sustain these price reductions will be
challenging, as the best available evidence
indicates that most providers cannot improve
their productivity to this degree for a
prolonged period given the labor-intensive
nature of these services.
Absent an unprecedented change in health
care delivery systems and payment
mechanisms, the prices paid by Medicare for
health services will fall increasingly short
of the costs of providing these services. By
the end of the long-range projection period,
Medicare prices for many services would be
less than half of their level without
consideration of the productivity price
reductions. Before such an outcome would
occur, lawmakers would likely intervene to
prevent the withdrawal of providers from the
Medicare market and the severe problems with
beneficiary access to care that would
result. Overriding the productivity
adjustments, as lawmakers have done
repeatedly in the case of physician payment
rates, would lead to substantially higher
costs for Medicare in the long range than
those projected in this report.
The projections for debt, revenues,
spending, and economic output presented in
this report are highly uncertain for many
reasons. The projections are based on CBO's
central estimates for key parameters of
economic behavior—including the extent to
which government borrowing crowds out
capital investment and the effect that
changes in real after-tax wages have on the
supply of labor.11 Estimates of
those and other economic parameters are
uncertain, and analysis using different
parameters can produce results that are
substantially higher or lower than CBO's
central estimates.
[92] Report: "The Path to
Prosperity: Fiscal Year 2015 Budget
Resolution." House Budget Committee, April
2014.
https://budget.house.gov/uploadedfiles/fy15_blueprint.pdf
Pages 58–59:
The Medicare reform envisioned in this
budget resolution begins with a commitment
to keep the promises made to those who now
are in or near retirement. Consequently, for
those who enter the program before 2024, the
Medicare program and its benefits will
remain as they are, without change.
For future retirees, the budget supports an
approach known as "premium support."
Starting in 2024, seniors (those who first
become eligible by turning 65 on or after
January 1, 2024) would be given a choice of
private plans competing alongside the
traditional fee-for-service Medicare program
on a newly created Medicare Exchange.
Medicare would provide a premium-support
payment either to pay for or offset the
premium of the plan chosen by the senior,
depending on the plan's cost. For those who
were 55 or older in 2013, they would remain
in the traditional Medicare system.
The Medicare recipient of the future would
choose, from a list of guaranteed-coverage
options, a health plan that best suits his
or her needs. This is not a voucher program.
A Medicare premium-support payment would be
paid, by Medicare, directly to the plan or
the fee-for-service program to subsidize its
cost. The program would operate in a manner
similar to that of the Medicare
prescription-drug benefit. The Medicare
premium-support payment would be adjusted so
that the sick would receive higher payments
if their conditions worsened; lower-income
seniors would receive additional assistance
to help cover out-of-pocket costs; and
wealthier seniors would assume
responsibility for a greater share of their
premiums.
This approach to strengthening the Medicare
program—which is based on a long history of
bipartisan reform plans—would ensure
security and affordability for seniors now
and into the future. In September 2013, the
Congressional Budget Office analyzed
illustrative options of a premium support
system. They found that a program in which
the premium-support payment was based on the
average bid of participating plans would
result in savings for affected beneficiaries
as well as the federal government.52
Moreover, it would set up a carefully
monitored exchange for Medicare plans.
Health plans that chose to participate in
the Medicare Exchange would agree to offer
insurance to all Medicare beneficiaries, to
avoid cherry-picking, and to ensure that
Medicare's sickest and highest-cost
beneficiaries receive coverage.
While there would be no disruptions in the
current Medicare fee-for-service program for
those currently enrolled or becoming
eligible before 2024, all seniors would have
the choice to opt in to the new Medicare
program once it began in 2024. This budget
envisions giving seniors the freedom to
choose a plan best suited for them,
guaranteeing health security throughout
their retirement years.
52 Congressional Budget Office,
"A Premium Support System for Medicare:
Analysis of Illustrative Options," 18 Sept.
2013.
[94] Calculated with
"Summary Tables for the Path to Prosperity:
Fiscal Year 2015 Budget Resolution." House
Budget Committee, April 2014.
http://budget.house.gov/…
a) Table S-3. "FY2015 House Budget by Major
Category (Outlays in Billions) … Medicare
(Net) … 2016 [=] $552 … 2020 [=] $684 … 2024
[=] $855."
b) Table S-4. "FY2015 House Budget vs.
Current Policy by Major Category (Outlays in
Billions) … Medicare (Net) … 2016 [=] $-3 …
2020 [=] $-13 … 2024 [=] $-38."
CALCULATIONS:
$-3 / ($552 + $3) = -0.5%
$-13 / ($684 + $13) = -1.9%
-$38 / ($855 + $38) = -4.3%
[95] Report: "The Path to
Prosperity: Fiscal Year 2015 Budget
Resolution." House Budget Committee, April
2014.
https://budget.house.gov/uploadedfiles/fy15_blueprint.pdf
Pages 54–55:
Provide State Flexibility on Medicaid.
One way to secure the Medicaid benefit is by
converting the federal share of Medicaid
spending into an allotment that each state
could tailor to meet its needs, indexed for
inflation and population growth. Such a
reform would end the misguided
one-size-fits-all approach that has tied the
hands of state governments. States would no
longer be shackled by federally determined
program requirements and enrollment
criteria. Instead, each state would have the
freedom and flexibility to tailor a Medicaid
program that fit the needs of its unique
population.
The budget resolution proposes to transform
Medicaid from an open-ended entitlement into
a block-granted program like SCHIP [State
Children's Health Insurance Program]. These
programs would be unified under the proposal
and grown together for population growth and
inflation.
This reform also would improve the
health-care safety net for low-income
Americans by giving states the ability to
offer their Medicaid populations more
options and better access to care. Medicaid
recipients, like all other Americans,
deserve to choose their own doctors and make
their own health-care decisions, instead of
having Washington make those decisions for
them.
There are numerous examples across the
country where states have used the existing,
but limited, flexibility of Medicaid's
waiver program to introduce innovative
reforms that produced cost savings, quality
improvements, and beneficiary satisfaction.
The state of Indiana implemented such
reforms through the Healthy Indiana Plan,
a patient-centered system that provided
health coverage to uninsured residents who
didn't qualify for Medicaid. Enrollees in
this program had access to benefits such as
physician services, prescription drugs, both
patient and outpatient hospital care, and
disease management.
The Medicaid reforms proposed in the fiscal
year 2015 budget provide all states with the
necessary flexibility to pursue reforms
similar to the Indiana plan.
Based on this kind of reform, this budget
assumes $732 billion in savings over ten
years, easing the fiscal burdens imposed on
state budgets and contributing to the
long-term stabilization of the federal
government's fiscal path.
Repeal the Medicaid Expansions in the New
Health-Care Law. The recently enacted
health-care law calls for major expansions
in the Medicaid program beginning in 2014.
These expansions will have a significant
impact on the federal share of the Medicaid
program and will dramatically increase
outlays.
In the face of enormous stress on federal
and state budgets and declining quality of
care in Medicaid, the new health-care law
would increase the eligible population for
the program by one-third. For fiscal years
2015 through 2024, CBO projects the new law
will increase federal spending by $792
billion.
This future fiscal burden will have serious
budgetary consequences for both federal and
state governments. While the health law
requires the federal government to finance
100 percent of the Medicaid costs associated
with covering new enrollees, this provision
begins to phase out in fiscal year 2016. At
that time, state governments will be
required to assume a share of this cost.
This share increases from fiscal year 2016
through 2020, when states will be required
to finance 10 percent of the health law's
expansion of Medicaid.
Not only does this expansion magnify the
challenges to both state and federal
budgets, it also binds the hands of local
governments in developing solutions that
meet the unique needs of their citizens. The
health-care law would exacerbate the already
crippling one-size-fits-all enrollment
mandates that have resulted in below-market
reimbursements, poor health-care outcomes,
and restrictive services. The budget calls
for repealing the Medicaid expansions
contained in the health-care law and
removing the law's burdensome programmatic
mandates on state governments. Adopting this
option would save $792.4 billion over ten
years.
[97] Calculated with
"Summary Tables for the Path to Prosperity:
Fiscal Year 2015 Budget Resolution." House
Budget Committee, April 2014.
http://budget.house.gov/…
a) Table S-3. "FY2015 House Budget by Major
Category (Outlays in Billions) … Medicaid &
Other Health … 2016 [=] $311 … 2020 [=] $343
… 2024 [=] $403."
b) Table S-4. "FY2015 House Budget vs.
Current Policy by Major Category (Outlays in
Billions) … Medicaid & Other Health … 2016
[=] $-31 … 2020 [=] $-80 … 2024 [=] $-124."
CALCULATIONS:
-$31 / ($311 + $31) = -9.1%
$-80 / ($343 + $80) = -18.9%
$-124 / ($403 + $124) = -23.5%
[98] Report: "The Path to
Prosperity: Fiscal Year 2015 Budget
Resolution." House Budget Committee, April
2014.
https://budget.house.gov/uploadedfiles/fy15_blueprint.pdf
Pages 55–56:
Repeal the Exchange Subsidies Created by the
New Health-Care Law. According to CBO
estimates, the health law proposes to spend
$1.2 trillion over the next ten years
providing eligible individuals with
subsidies to purchase government-approved
health insurance. These subsidies can only
be used to purchase plans that meet
standards determined by the new health-care
law. In addition to this enormous market
distortion, the law also stipulates a
complex maze of eligibility and income tests
to determine how much of a subsidy
qualifying individuals may receive.
The new law couples these subsidies with a
mandate for individuals to purchase health
insurance and bureaucratic controls on the
types of insurance that may legally be
offered. Taken together, these provisions
will undermine the private insurance market,
which serves as the backbone of the current
U.S. health-care system. Exchange subsidies
will undermine the competitive forces of the
marketplace. Government mandates will drive
out all but the largest insurance companies.
Punitive tax penalties will force
individuals to purchase coverage whether
they choose to or not. Further, this budget
does not condone any policy that would
require entities or individuals to finance
activities or make health decisions that
violate their religious beliefs. This budget
provides for the repeal of the President's
onerous health-care law for this and many
other reasons.
Left in place, the health law will create
pressures that will eventually lead to a
single-payer system in which the federal
government determines how much health care
Americans need and what kind of care they
can receive. This budget recommends
repealing the architecture of this new law,
which puts health-care decisions into the
hands of bureaucrats, and instead allowing
Congress to pursue patient-centered
health-care reforms that actually bring down
the cost of care by empowering consumers.
… To be clear, this budget repeals all
federal spending related to the health law's
exchange subsidies and related spending.
[99] Dataset: "Budgetary and
Economic Outcomes Under Paths for Federal
Revenues and Noninterest Spending Specified
by Chairman Ryan, April 2014." Congressional
Budget Office, April 1, 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
Figure 9: "Spending Excluding Interest
Payments Under Various Budget Scenarios,
With Macroeconomic Effects (Percentage of
Gross Domestic Product) … Paths for Revenues
and Noninterest Spending Specified by
Chairman Ryan … 2015 [=] 18.9 … 2025 [=]
16.0 … 2035 [=] 16.4"
[100] Dataset: "The 2014
Long-Term Budget Outlook." Congressional
Budget Office, July 15, 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
Figure 1-3: "Spending and Revenues Under
CBO's Extended Baseline, Compared With Past
Averages (Percentage of Gross Domestic
Product). … Spending … Net Interest …
Average, 1947 to 2013 [=] 2.2 … Total
Spending… Average, 1947 to 2013 [=] 20.5"
CALCULATION: 20.5 – 2.2 = 18.3 total
spending less net interest
[102] Dataset: "The 2014
Long-Term Budget Outlook." Congressional
Budget Office, July 15, 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
Figure 1-3: "Spending and Revenues Under
CBO's Extended Baseline, Compared With Past
Averages (Percentage of Gross Domestic
Product). … Revenues … Total Revenues …
Average, 1947 to 2013 [=] 17.4"
[103] NOTE: These
debt projections account for the economic
effects of federal debt, taxes, and
spending. As explained by CBO:
The results with economic feedback include the economic effects of the budget policies and the effects of that economic feedback on the budget. Those results are CBO’s central estimates from ranges determined by alternative assessments about how much deficits “crowd out” investment in capital goods such as factories and computers (because a larger portion of people’s savings is being used to purchase government securities) and how much people respond to changes in after-tax wages by adjusting the number of hours they work.
[Report: "The 2014 Long-Term Budget Outlook." Congressional Budget Office, July 2014. https://www.cbo.gov/…. Page 76.]
[104] Constructed with
data from:
a) Dataset: "The 2014 Long-Term Budget
Outlook." Congressional Budget Office, July
15, 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
"Figure 1-1. Federal Debt Held by the
Public"
"Figure 6-3. Long-Run Effects of the Fiscal
Policies in CBO’s Extended Alternative
Fiscal Scenario"
b) Dataset: "Budgetary and
Economic Outcomes Under Paths for Federal
Revenues and Noninterest Spending Specified
by Chairman Ryan, April 2014." Congressional
Budget Office, April 1, 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
[105] Article: "Poll
Shows Budget-Cuts Dilemma." By Neil King Jr.
and Scott Greenberg. Wall Street Journal,
March 3, 2011.
http://online.wsj.com/article/…
[106]
Report: "The 2014 Long-Term Budget Outlook."
Congressional Budget Office, July 2014.
https://www.cbo.gov/…
Pages 19–20:
Spending for the Major Health Care
Programs and Social Security
Mandatory programs have accounted for a
rising share of the federal government's
noninterest spending over the past few
decades, averaging 60 percent in recent
years. Most of the growth in mandatory
spending has involved the three largest
programs—Social Security, Medicare, and
Medicaid. Federal outlays for those programs
together made up more than 40 percent of the
government's noninterest spending, on
average, during the past 10 years, compared
with less than 30 percent four decades ago.
Most of the anticipated growth in
noninterest spending as a share of GDP over
the long term is expected to come from the
government's major health care programs:
Medicare, Medicaid, the Children's Health
Insurance Program, and the subsidies for
health insurance purchased through the
exchanges created under the ACA. CBO
projects that, under current law, total
outlays for those programs, net of
offsetting receipts, would grow much faster
than the overall economy, increasing from
just below 5 percent of GDP now to 8 percent
in 2039…. Spending for Social Security also
would increase relative to the size of the
economy, but by much less—from almost 5
percent of GDP in 2014 to more than 6
percent in 2039 and beyond….
Those projected increases in spending for
Social Security and the government's major
health care programs are attributable
primarily to three causes: the aging of the
population, rising health care spending per
beneficiary, and the ACA's expansion of
federal subsidies for health insurance.
[107] Article: "AP-CNBC
Poll: Cut services to balance the budget."
By Alan Fram and Jennifer Agiesta.
Associated Press, November 30, 2010.
http://apnews.myway.com
Eighty-five percent worry that growing red
ink will harm future generations - the
strongest expression of concern since AP
polls began asking the question in 2008.
Fifty-six percent think the shortfalls will
spark a major economic crisis in the coming
decade. …
Asked to choose between two paths lawmakers could follow to balance the budget, 59 percent in the AP-CNBC Poll preferred cutting unspecified government services while 30 percent picked unspecified tax increases.
The
AP/Ipsos poll of 1,000 adults taken July 5-7
found that a sweeping majority - 70 percent
- worried about the size of the federal
deficit either "some" or "a lot."
But
only 35 percent were willing to cut
government spending and experience a drop in
services to balance the budget. Even fewer -
18 percent - were willing to raise taxes to
keep current services. Just 1 percent wanted
to both raise taxes and cut spending. The
poll has a margin of error of 3 percentage
points.
Pages i–ii:
In cases where a Member cosponsors the same spending in more than one bill (e.g., cosponsored more than one universal health care bill), the same spending is offset and thus is not counted twice toward the Member's total. …
Inclusions
In estimating the cost of reauthorization and appropriation bills, NTUF [National Taxpayers Union Foundation] counts only the net increase or decrease in cost over the prior year's authorization or appropriation.
Page iv:
Sources of Cost Estimates
The estimates contained in the BillTally study are generally obtained from sources outside of NTUF. Where there is more than one estimate available for a given bill, NTUF uses the most credible source. Where NTUF obtains estimates from more than one equally credible source, NTUF uses the least optimistic (largest increase/smallest reduction) estimate. In cases where cost estimates are not readily available from any outside source, NTUF will attempt to calculate an estimate (with the assistance of the sponsor where possible). Generally, these estimates prove to be low compared to the actual cost of the program. …
Annualized Estimates
Each bill used in the report contains spending estimates for budget years one through five, the source of those estimates, and an annualized cost.1 NTUF cannot obtain a full five-year estimate for every bill. In some cases, only multi-year totals are available; while in others, NTUF can obtain only a first-year estimate. To compensate for this irregularity, NTUF annualizes the cost of each bill.
In general, where estimates for each of the next five fiscal years are available, or where only a five-year total estimate can be obtained, the annualized amount is the five-year average. Where only estimates for less than five fiscal years are available, the annualized amount is the average shown for those years. In certain cases where multi-year estimates are available, but where out-year spending estimates are lower than the first year estimate, the annualized amount reflects either the first year estimate, or an average of the years during which spending is projected to grow.2 …
Page vi:
Accuracy
The scope and nature of the BillTally cost survey make total precision impossible. To maximize accuracy and ensure fairness, NTUF provides Members of Congress with a significant review period to comment confidentially on the accuracy of their own reports. In response to these comments, NTUF makes appropriate changes to the BillTally database. To the extent that more up-to-date information comes to light, it will be reflected in subsequent reports. However, the comprehensive nature of the database makes it unlikely that errors with respect to individual bills will alter the general findings of this study.
[111]
"BillTally Report
113-2: The Tea Is Cooling: The First Session
of the 113th Congress." National Taxpayers
Union Foundation, July 10, 2014.
http://www.ntu.org/…
Pages 1-3:
This report summarizes data from NTUF's
[National Taxpayers Union Foundation's]
BillTally accounting software, which
computes the cost or savings of all
legislation introduced in the First Session
of the 113th Congress that affects spending
by at least $1 million. Agenda totals for
individual lawmakers were developed by cross
indexing their sponsorship and cosponsorship
records with cost estimates for 608 House
bills and 388 Senate bills under BillTally
accounting rules that prevent the double
counting of overlapping proposals. All
sponsorship and cost data in this report
were reviewed confidentially by each
Congressional office prior to publication.
Appendix A lists all Members alphabetically,
Appendix B lists members by state
delegation, and Appendix C gives a thorough
explanation of the BillTally methodology. …
In the House, the average Democrat called
for net spending hikes of $396.5
billion—nearly a hundred billion less than
in the previous Congress and the lowest
since the 107th Congress. This spending
would have boosted FY 2013's total outlays
by 11 percent.
During the previous Congress, the typical
House Republican proposed, on net, a record
level of spending cuts: $130.2 billion. In
this current Congress, the amount of cuts
receded by over a third, to $82.6 billion.
Relative to FY 2013 total outlays, this
would have reduced spending by just over 2
percent.
As recently as the 111th Congress (2009),
the average Senate Democrat supported
legislation that would have increased total
spending by $133.7 billion (which would have
represented a 4 percent increase in total
budgetary outlays for that year). In this
Congress their average net agenda amounted
to $18.3 billion in new spending, which
would grow the budget by one half of a
percentage point. This marks the Senate
Democrats' lowest recorded net spending
agenda since the 104th Congress.
As in the previous Congress, the average
Senate Republican was a net cutter, but
called for a smaller level of reductions.
The result was a net agenda that went from
-$238.7 billion to -$159.1 billion (both net
cuts). That amount would have shaved FY 2013
total outlays by 4.6 percent. …
A Senator's or Representative's record of
authored and sponsored bills can be viewed
as his or her legislative "wish list," free
from the pressure of party leaders that
normally comes with the voting process. By
tabulating the cost and/or savings of each
Member's agenda, taxpayers can gain a better
understanding of the policy interests as
well as the guiding budgetary philosophies
of their elected representatives.
Pages 8–10:
Table 3. House Sponsorship of Legislation in
the First Sessions of the Past Twelve
Congresses by Party (Dollar Amounts in
Millions) … Democrats … 113th Congress …
Proposed Increases [=] $406,795 … Proposed
Cuts [=] ($10,311) … Net Agendas [=]
$396,483 … Percent Change in Fiscal Year
Budget Outlays [=] 11.48 … Republicans …
113th Congress … Proposed Increases [=]
$8,633 … Proposed Cuts [=] ($91,280) … Net
Agendas [=] ($82,647) … Percent Change in
Fiscal Year Budget Outlays [=] -2.39
Table 4. Senate Sponsorship of Legislation
in the First Sessions of the Past Twelve
Congresses by Party (Dollar Amounts in
Millions) … Democrats … 113th Congress …
Proposed Increases [=] $21,530 … Proposed
Cuts [=] ($3,233) … Net Agendas [=] $18,296
… Percent Change in Fiscal Year Budget
Outlays [=] 0.53 … Republicans … 113th
Congress … Proposed Increases [=] $5,792 …
Proposed Cuts [=] ($164,895) … Net Agendas
[=] ($159,103) … Percent Change in Fiscal
Year Budget Outlays [=] -4.61
[112] "The Tea Is Cooling:
The First Session of the 113th Congress.
Policy Paper No. 173. BillTally Report
113-2." National Taxpayers Union Foundation,
July 10, 2014.
http://www.ntu.org/…
Pages 8–10: "Table 3. House Sponsorship of
Legislation in the First Sessions of the
Past Twelve Congresses by Party (Dollar
Amounts in Millions)" … "Table 4. Senate
Sponsorship of Legislation in the First
Sessions of the Past Twelve Congresses by
Party (Dollar Amounts in Millions)"
Table
2: "Average House Sponsorship of Legislation
in the Past Ten Congresses (by Party, in
Millions)."
Table
3: "Average Senate Sponsorship of
Legislation in the Past Ten Congresses (by
Party, in Millions)"
[113] Speech: "Address
of the President to Joint Sessions of
Congress." President George W. Bush,
February 27, 2001.
http://georgewbush-whitehouse.archives.gov/news/…
[114] Article: "$1.35
trillion tax cut becomes law." By Kelly
Wallace. CNN, June 7, 2001.
http://www.cnn.com/2001/fyi/news/06/07/bush.taxes/
"President George W. Bush signed into law
Thursday the first major piece of
legislation of his presidency, a $1.35
trillion tax cut over 10 years."
[115] Calculated
with data from the footnote above and:
a) Webpage: "The Debt to the Penny and Who
Holds It." Bureau of the Public Debt, United
States Department of the Treasury. Accessed
May 18, 2015 at
http://www.treasurydirect.gov/NP/debt/current
"Total Public Debt Outstanding … 06/07/2001
[=] 5,672,373,164,658 … 01/20/2009 [=]
10,626,877,048,913"
b) Dataset: "Table 1.1.5. Gross Domestic
Product." U.S. Department of Commerce,
Bureau of Economic Analysis. Last revised
April 29, 2015.
http://www.bea.gov/iTable/iTable.cfm?ReqID=9&step=1
"Gross Domestic Product (billions $) … 2001
Q3 [=] 10,639.5 … 2009 Q1 [=] 14,383.9"
c) Webpage: "Calculate duration between two
dates." Accessed September 29, 2012 at
http://www.timeanddate.com/date/duration.html
"From and including: Thursday, June 7, 2001
… To, but not including : Tuesday, January
20, 2009 … It is 2785 days from the start
date to the end date, end date included"
CALCULATIONS:
2,785 days / 365.25 days per year = 7.63
years
$5,672,373,164,658 debt on June 7, 2001 /
$10,639,500,000,000 GDP in 2001Q3 = 53.3%
$10,626,877,048,913 debt on January 20, 2009
/ $14,383,900,000,000 GDP in 2009Q1 = 73.9%
(73.9% - 53.3%) / 7.63 years = 2.69% per
year
[116] Webpage: "Vetoes
by President George W. Bush." United States
Senate. Accessed March 15, 2011 at
http://www.senate.gov/reference/Legislation/Vetoes/BushGW.htm
Vetoes
overridden:
H.R.2419: Food, Conservation, and Energy Act of 2008*
H.R.6124: Food, Conservation, and Energy Act of 2008*
H.R.6331: Medicare Improvement for Patients and Providers Act of 2008
H.R.1495: Water Resources Development Act of 2007
"Relative to CBO’s March 2008 baseline
projections, we estimate that enacting H.R.
2419 would increase direct spending by about
$3.6 billion over the 2008-2018 period,
assuming that the legislation would remain
in effect throughout that period. JCT and
CBO estimate that revenues would increase
under the legislation by $0.7 billion over
the same period. On balance, those changes
would produce net costs (increases in
deficits or reductions in surpluses) of
about $2.9 billion over the 11-year period,
relative to CBO’s most recent baseline
projections."
b)
Cost Estimate: "H.R. 6331, Medicare
Improvements for Patients and Providers Act
of 2008." Congressional Budget Office, July
23, 2008.
http://www.cbo.gov/sites/default/files/hr6331pgo.pdf
"CBO
estimates that enacting H.R. 6331 will
increase direct spending by less than $50
million over the 2008-2013 period and by
$0.3 billion over the 2008-2018 period. In
addition, the Joint Committee on Taxation
(JCT) estimates that the act will increase
federal revenues by $0.2 billion over the
2008-2013 period and by $0.4 billion over
the 2008-2018 period. In total, CBO
estimates that the act will reduce deficits
(or increase surpluses) by $0.1 billion over
the 2008-2013 period and by less than $50
million over the 2008-2018 period."
c)
Cost Estimate: "H.R. 1495: Water Resources
Development Act of 2007." Congressional
Budget Office, September 24, 2007.
http://www.cbo.gov/sites/default/files/hr1495conference.pdf
"Assuming appropriation of the necessary
amounts, including adjustments for increases
in anticipated inflation, CBO estimates that
implementing this conference agreement for
H.R. 1495 would result in discretionary
outlays of about $11.2 billion over the
2008-2012 period and an additional $12.0
billion over the 10 years after 2012. (Some
construction costs and operations and
maintenance would continue or commence after
those first 15 years.)"
CALCULATION:
$2.9
billion (over 2008-2018 for H.R. 2419) +
$0.1 billion (over 2008-2013 for H.R. 6331)
+ $11.2 billion (over 2008-2012 for H.R.
1495) + $12.0 billion (over 2013-2022) =
26.2 billion over 2008-2022
[118] "Remarks at the
Fiscal Responsibility Summit." By Barack
Obama. Government Printing Office, February
23, 2009.
https://www.whitehouse.gov/…
[119] Transcript: "Obama's
Remarks at Stimulus Bill Signing."
Washington Post, February 17, 2009.
http://www.washingtonpost.com…
"The
American Recovery and Reinvestment Act that
I will sign today, a plan that meets the
principles I laid out in January, is the
most sweeping economic recovery package in
our history."
[120] Calculated
with data from the footnote above and:
a) Webpage: "The Debt to the Penny and Who
Holds It." Bureau of the Public Debt, United
States Department of the Treasury. Accessed
May 18, 2015 at
http://www.treasurydirect.gov/NP/debt/current
"Total Public Debt Outstanding …
01/20/2009 [=] 10,626,877,048,913 …
12/31/2014 [=] 18,141,444,135,563"
b) Dataset: "Table 1.1.5. Gross Domestic
Product." U.S. Department of Commerce,
Bureau of Economic Analysis. Last revised
April 29, 2015.
http://www.bea.gov/iTable/iTable.cfm?ReqID=9&step=1
"Gross Domestic Product (billions $) … 2009 Q1 [=] 14,382.9 … 2014 Q4 [=]
17,703.7
c) Webpage: "Calculate duration between two
dates." Accessed May 18, 2015 at
http://www.timeanddate.com/date/duration.html
"From and including: Tuesday, January
20, 2009 … To and including: Wednesday,
December 31, 2014 … It is 2172 days from
the start date to the end date, end date
included"
CALCULATIONS:
2,172 days / 365.25 days per year = 5.95
years
$10,626,877,048,913 debt on January 20,
2009 / $14,382,900,000,000 GDP in 2009
Q1 = 73.9%
$18,141,444,135,563 debt on December 31,
2014 / $17,703,700,000,000 GDP in 2014
Q4 = 102.5%
(102.5% - 73.9%) / 5.95 years = 4.8% per
year
[121] Webpage: "Vetoes by
President Barack H. Obama." United States
Senate. Accessed May 18, 2015 at
http://www.senate.gov/reference/Legislation/Vetoes/ObamaBH.htm
[122] "2010 Annual
Report of the Board of Trustees of The
Federal Old-Age and Survivors Insurance and
Disability Insurance Trust Funds." United
States Social Security Administration,
August 9, 2010.
http://www.ssa.gov/OACT/TR/2010/tr2010.pdf
Page
138: "The Federal Old-Age and Survivors
Insurance (OASI) Trust Fund was established
on January 1, 1940 as a separate account in
the United States Treasury. The Federal
Disability Insurance (DI) Trust Fund,
another separate account in the United
States Treasury, was established on August
1, 1956. All the financial operations of the
OASI and DI programs are handled through
these respective funds."
[123] Report: "The Debt
Limit: History and Recent Increases." By D.
Andrew Austin. Congressional Research
Service, April 29, 2008.
http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/105193.pdf
Summary: "[D]ebt increases when the federal
government issues debt to certain government
accounts, such as the Social Security,
Medicare, and Transportation trust funds, in
exchange for their reported surpluses. This
increases debt held by government accounts."
[124] Webpage: "Debt
versus Deficit: What's the Difference?"
United States Department of the Treasury,
Bureau of the Public Debt, August 5, 2004.
Last updated October 10, 2008.
http://www.treasurydirect.gov/news/pressroom/pressroom_bpd08052004.htm
"Additionally, the Government Trust Funds
are required by law to invest accumulated
surpluses in Treasury securities. The
Treasury securities issued to the public and
to the Government Trust Funds
(intragovernmental holdings) then become
part of the total debt."
[125] "2010 Annual
Report of the Board of Trustees of The
Federal Old-Age and Survivors Insurance and
Disability Insurance Trust Funds." Board of
Trustees of the Federal OASDI Trust Funds,
August 9, 2010.
http://www.ssa.gov/OACT/TR/2010/tr2010.pdf
Page
221: "Funds not withdrawn for current
monthly or service benefits, the financial
interchange, and administrative expenses are
invested in interest-bearing Federal
securities, as required by law; the interest
earned is also deposited in the trust
funds."
[126] Report: "Federal
Debt and Interest Costs." Congressional
Budget Office, December 2010.
http://cbo.gov/ftpdocs/119xx/doc11999/12-14-FederalDebt.pdf
Page
IX:
Because those trust funds and other government accounts are part of the federal government, transactions between them and the Treasury are intragovernmental; that is, the government securities in those funds are an asset to the individual programs but a liability to the rest of the government. The resources needed to redeem the government securities in the trust funds and other accounts in some future year must be generated from taxes, income from other government sources, or borrowing by the government in that year.
Total debt of the federal government can increase in two ways. First, debt increases when the government sells debt to the public to finance budget deficits and acquire the financial resources needed to meet its obligations. This increases debt held by the public. Second, debt increases when the federal government issues debt to certain government accounts, such as the Social Security, Medicare, and Transportation trust funds, in exchange for their reported surpluses. This increases debt held by government accounts. The sum of debt held by the public and debt held by government accounts is the total federal debt.
Ownership of Federal Debt Held by the
Public …
What are Intragovernmental Holdings?
Intragovernmental Holdings are Government Account Series securities held by Government trust funds, revolving funds, and special funds; and Federal Financing Bank securities.
| Millions $ | |
| Debt Held By the Public | 13,023,951 |
| Intragovernmental Holdings | 5,117,493 |
| Total | 18,141,444 |
However, issuing debt to Government accounts does not have any of the credit market effects of borrowing from the public. It is an internal transaction of the Government, made between two accounts that are both within the Government itself. Issuing debt to a Government account is not a current transaction of the Government with the public; it is not financed by private saving and does not compete with the private sector for available funds in the credit market. While such issuance provides the account with assets—a binding claim against the Treasury—those assets are fully offset by the increased liability of the Treasury to pay the claims, which will ultimately be covered by taxation or borrowing. Similarly, the current interest earned by the Government account on its Treasury securities does not need to be financed by other resources. …
… For all these reasons, debt held by the public and debt net of financial assets are both better gauges of the effect of the budget on the credit markets than gross Federal debt.
The most meaningful measure of federal debt for such projections is debt held by the public, which represents the amount that the government is borrowing in the financial markets (by issuing Treasury securities) to pay for federal operations and activities. That borrowing competes with other participants in the credit markets for financial resources and can crowd out private investment.14
14 In contrast, debt held by trust funds and other government accounts—which, together with debt held by the public, make up gross federal debt—represents internal transactions of the government and thus has no effect on credit markets.
To illustrate the budgetary and non-budgetary components of a credit program, consider a portfolio of new direct loans made to a cohort of college students. To encourage higher education, the Government offers loans at a lower cost than private lenders. Students agree to repay the loans according to the terms of their promissory notes. The loan terms may include lower interest rates or longer repayment periods than would be available from private lenders. Some of the students are likely to become delinquent or default on their loans, leading to Government losses to the extent the Government is unable to recover the full amount owed by the students. … In other words, the subsidy cost is the difference in present value between the amount disbursed by the Government and the estimated value of the loan assets the Government receives in return. Because the loan assets have value, the remainder of the transaction (beyond the amount recorded as a subsidy) is simply an exchange of financial assets of equal value and does not result in a cost to the Government.
Borrowing is not exactly equal to the deficit, and debt repayment is not exactly equal to the surplus, because of the other means of financing such as those discussed in this section. …
The budget treats borrowing and debt repayment as a means of financing, not as receipts and outlays. …
In 2010, the Government borrowed $1,474 billion from the public, bringing debt held by the public to $9,019 billion. This borrowing financed the $1,293 billion deficit in that year as well as the net effect of other means of financing, such as changes in cash balances and other accounts discussed below. …
The budget records the net cash flows of credit programs in credit financing accounts. These accounts include the transactions for direct loan and loan guarantee programs, as well as the equity purchase programs under TARP….
PolitiFact is a project of
the Tampa Bay Times and its partners
to help you find the truth in politics.
Every day, reporters and researchers from
PolitiFact and its partner news organization
examine statements by members of Congress,
state legislators, governors, mayors, the
president, cabinet secretaries, lobbyists,
people who testify before Congress and
anyone else who speaks up in American
politics. We research their statements and
then rate the accuracy on our Truth-O-Meter
– True, Mostly True, Half True, Mostly False
and False. The most ridiculous falsehoods
get our lowest rating, Pants on Fire.
[159] Fact check of Rahm
Emanuel's statement: "We've added, in the
last eight years, $4 trillion of debt to the
nation's obligations." PolitiFact, January
18, 2009.
http://www.politifact.com/truth-o-meter/statements/2009/…
At the end of the Clinton administration, there were several years of budget surpluses. …
When Bush took office, the national debt was $5.73 trillion. When he left, it was $10.7 trillion. …
| Year | National debt (in billions $) at start of fiscal year (October 1) |
| 1993 | 4,406 |
| 1994 | 4,693 |
| 1995 | 4,988 |
| 1996 | 5,235 |
| 1997 | 5,421 |
| 1998 | 5,541 |
| 1999 | 5,653 |
| 2000 | 5,662 |
| 2001 | 5,806 |
[163] Paper: "Government
Debt." By Douglas W. Elmendorf (Federal
Reserve Board) and N. Gregory Mankiw
(Harvard University and the National Bureau
of Economic Research), January 1998.
http://www.federalreserve.gov/pubs/feds/1998/199809/199809pap.pdf
Page
2: "The figure shows federal debt "held by
the public," which includes debt held by the
Federal Reserve System…."
[164] Calculated with
data from:
a) Report: "Treasury Bulletin." U.S.
Department of the Treasury, Financial
Management Service, June 2015.
https://www.fiscal.treasury.gov/…
Page 43: "Table OFS-2.—Estimated Ownership
of U.S. Treasury Securities"
b) Webpage: "The Debt to the Penny and Who Holds
It." Bureau of the Public Debt, United
States Department of the Treasury. Accessed
July 15, 2015 at
http://www.treasurydirect.gov/NP/debt/current
"12/31/2014 … Debt Held by the Public [=]
$13,023,951,380,768.58 … Intragovernmental
Holdings [=] $5,117,492,754,794.72 … Total
Public Debt Outstanding [=]
$18,141,444,135,563.30"
c) Report: "Factors Affecting Reserve
Balances of Depository Institutions and
Condition Statement of Federal Reserve
Banks." U.S. Federal Reserve, December 29,
2014.
http://www.federalreserve.gov/releases/h41/20141229/
"Dec 24, 2014 … U.S. Treasury securities [=]
2,461,420 [millions $] … Federal agency debt
securities [=] 38,677"
NOTE:
An Excel file containing the data and
calculations is available
upon
request.
[165] Report: "Analytical
Perspectives: Budget of the U.S. Government,
Fiscal Year 2016." White House Office of
Management and Budget.
https://www.whitehouse.gov/…
Page
45.
[166] Calculated with the
dataset: "Major Foreign Holders of Treasury
Securities Holdings at End of Period (in
billions of dollars)." U.S. Department of
the Treasury, June 15, 2015.
http://www.treasury.gov/ticdata/Publish/mfh.txt
NOTE:
An Excel file containing the data and
calculations is available
upon
request.
[167] Article: "Experts
Warn Debt May Threaten Economy." By Robert
Tanner. Associated Press, Aug 27, 2005.
http://ap.org/
"In a
very real sense, the U.S. economy is
dependent on the central banks of Japan,
China and other nations to invest in U.S.
Treasuries and keep American interest rates
down. The low rates here keep American
consumers buying imported goods."
[168] Report: "China's
Holdings of U.S. Securities: Implications
for the U.S. Economy." By Wayne M. Morrison
and Marc Labonte. Congressional Research
Service, January 9, 2008.
http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/99496.pdf
Page
9:
All else equal, Chinese government purchases of U.S. assets increases the demand for U.S. assets, which reduces U.S. interest rates.
If China attempted to reduce its holdings of U.S. securities, they would be sold to other investors (foreign and domestic), who would presumably require higher interest rates than those prevailing today to be enticed to buy them. … All else equal, the reduction in Chinese Treasury holdings would cause the overall foreign demand for U.S. assets to fall, and this would cause the dollar to depreciate. … The magnitude of these effects would depend on how many U.S. securities China sold; modest reductions would have negligible effects on the economy given the vastness of U.S. financial markets.
A potentially serious short-term problem would emerge if China decided to suddenly reduce their liquid U.S. financial assets significantly. The effect could be compounded if this action triggered a more general financial reaction (or panic), in which all foreigners responded by reducing their holdings of U.S. assets. The initial effect could be a sudden and large depreciation in the value of the dollar, as the supply of dollars on the foreign exchange market increased, and a sudden and large increase in U.S. interest rates, as an important funding source for investment and the budget deficit was withdrawn from the financial markets. The dollar depreciation would not cause a recession since it would ultimately lead to a trade surplus (or smaller deficit), which expands aggregate demand.28 (Empirical evidence suggests that the full effects of a change in the exchange rate on traded goods takes time, so the dollar may have to "overshoot" its eventual depreciation level in order to achieve a significant adjustment in trade flows in the short run.)29 However, a sudden increase in interest rates could swamp the trade effects and cause a recession. Large increases in interest rates could cause problems for the U.S. economy, as these increases reduce the market value of debt securities, cause prices on the stock market to fall, undermine efficient financial intermediation, and jeopardize the solvency of various debtors and creditors. Resources may not be able to shift quickly enough from interest-sensitive sectors to export sectors to make this transition fluid. The Federal Reserve could mitigate the interest rate spike by reducing short-term interest rates, although this reduction would influence long-term rates only indirectly, and could worsen the dollar depreciation and increase inflation.
Some U.S. officials have expressed doubts that a Chinese sell-off of U.S. securities would cause liquidity problems or have much of an impact on the U.S. economy. In January 2007, Secretary of Treasury Henry Paulson was asked at a Senate Banking Committee hearing whether or not he was concerned over China's large ownership of U.S. debt. Paulson stated that the daily volume of trade in Treasury securities was larger than China's total Treasury securities holdings and concluded: "given the size of our debt outstanding and the way it trades and the diversity and so on, that’s not at the top of the list."
28 A sharp decline in the value of the dollar would also reduce living standards, all else equal, because it would raise the price of imports to households. This effect, which is referred to as a decline in the terms of trade, would not be recorded directly in GDP, however.
29 Since the decline in the
dollar would raise import prices, this could
temporarily increase inflationary pressures.
The effect would likely be modest, however,
since imports are small as a share of GDP
and import prices would only gradually rise
in response to the fall in the dollar.
[170] Report: "China’s
Holdings of U.S. Securities: Implications
for the U.S. Economy." By Wayne M. Morrison
and Marc Labonte. Congressional Research
Service, January 9, 2008.
http://fpc.state.gov/documents/organization/99496.pdf
Pages
11-12.
[171] Article: "Clinton
wraps Asia trip by asking China to buy U.S.
debt." Agence France-Presse, February
22, 2009.
http://www.breitbart.com/
[172] Article: "China
threatens 'nuclear option' of dollar sales."
By Ambrose Evans-Pritchard. London
Telegraph, August 8, 2007.
http://www.telegraph.co.uk/finance/markets/2813630/…
[173] Article: "Chinese
see U.S. debt as weapon in Taiwan dispute."
By Bill Gertz. Washington Times,
February 10, 2010.
http://washingtontimes.com/news/2010/feb/10/…
[174] Article: "Beijing
vows not to use U.S. debt for political
gain." Washington Times, March 10,
2010.
http://www.washingtontimes.com/news/2010/mar/10/…
[175] Calculated with
data from:
a) "Monthly Statement of the Public Debt of
the United States." U.S. Bureau of the
Public Debt, June 30, 2015.
https://www.treasurydirect.gov/…
"Table III - Detail of Treasury Securities
Outstanding, June 20, 2015 … Government
Account Series - Intragovernmental Holdings"
b) Report: "Analytical Perspectives: Budget
of the U.S. Government, Fiscal Year 2016."
White House Office of Management and Budget.
https://www.whitehouse.gov/…
Pages 40, 42: "The Government account
holdings of Federal securities are
concentrated among a few funds: the Social
Security Old-Age and Survivors Insurance (OASI)
and Disability Insurance (DI) trust funds;
the Medicare Hospital Insurance (HI) and
Supplementary Medical Insurance (SMI) trust
funds; and four Federal employee retire-ment
funds. These Federal employee retirement
funds include two trust funds, the Military
Retirement Fund and the Civil Service
Retirement and Disability Fund, and two
special funds, the uniformed services
Medicare- Eligible Retiree Health Care Fund
(MERHCF) and the Postal Service Retiree
Health Benefits Fund (PSRHBF)."
NOTE:
An Excel file containing the data and
calculations is available
upon
request.
[176] Article: "New Cuts
Detailed in Agreement for $38 Billion in
Reductions." By Lisa Mascaro. Los Angeles
Times, April 12, 2011.
http://www.latimes.com/
[177] Article: "Congress
Sends Budget Cut Bill to Obama." By Andrew
Taylor, Associated Press, Apr 14, 2011.
http://www.aolnews.com/
[178] Article: "Budget
Deal to Cut $38 Billion Averts Shutdown." By
Carl Hulse. New York Times, April 8,
2011.
http://www.nytimes.com/2011/04/09/us/politics/09fiscal.html
[179] "Cost Estimate for
H.R. 1473, the Department of Defense and
Full-Year Continuing Appropriations Act of
2011 (Additional Information)."
Congressional Budget Office, April 14,
2011.
http://cbo.gov/
The estimated range provided above is lower than the estimated net change in budget authority (the authority for federal agencies to enter into obligations) for 2011 that would result from enactment of H.R. 1473 [i.e., "the $38 billion budget cut"], compared with earlier continuing resolutions. For example, Public Law 111-322, which funded the government's operations through March 4, provided (on an annualized basis) budget authority of $1,087.5 billion for nonemergency appropriations for fiscal year 2011—an amount that is relatively close to the funding level for 2010.* In contrast, H.R. 1473 would provide net new budget authority of $1,049.8 billion, producing a difference of $37.7 billion. That difference reflects reductions in budget authority for BOTH regularly appropriated discretionary programs and some mandatory programs.
JCT [the Joint Committee On Taxation] estimated the revenue effects of EGTRRA and JGTRRA at the time the acts were considered in 2001 and 2003, respectively. Taken together, those estimates imply a loss of revenues totaling $165 billion in 2007. As you requested, CBO has calculated the debt-service costs that would result in 2007 from the legislation under an assumption that they were financed in full by additional debt rather than offset elsewhere in the budget. On that basis, CBO estimates that the revenue loss in JCT's projections would lead to additional debt-service costs of $46 billion in 2007, for a total budgetary cost of $211 billion. On the same basis, the agency estimates the total budgetary costs, including interest, for 2008 through 2011 to be $233 billion, $245 billion, $269 billion, and $215 billion, respectively.
[Clause 1] All Bills for raising Revenue shall originate in the House of Representatives; but the Senate may propose or concur with Amendments as on other Bills.
[Clause 2] Every Bill which shall have passed the House of Representatives and the Senate, shall, before it become a Law, be presented to the President of the United States; If he approve he shall sign it, but if not he shall return it, with his Objections to that House in which it shall have originated, who shall enter the Objections at large on their Journal, and proceed to reconsider it. If after such Reconsideration two thirds of that House shall agree to pass the Bill, it shall be sent, together with the Objections, to the other House, by which it shall likewise be reconsidered, and if approved by two thirds of that House, it shall become a Law. But in all such Cases the Votes of both Houses shall be determined by yeas and Nays, and the Names of the Persons voting for and against the Bill shall be entered on the Journal of each House respectively. If any Bill shall not be returned by the President within ten Days (Sundays excepted) after it shall have been presented to him, the Same shall be a Law, in like Manner as if he had signed it, unless the Congress by their Adjournment prevent its Return, in which Case it shall not be a Law.
Article I, Section 8, Clause 1: "The Congress shall have Power To lay and collect Taxes, Duties, Imposts and Excises, to pay the Debts and provide for the common Defence and general Welfare of the United States…."
At the end of the Clinton administration, there were several years of budget surpluses. …
When Bush took office, the national debt was $5.73 trillion. When he left, it was $10.7 trillion. …
… the debt increased greatly under Bush.
a) Dataset: "Table 1.1.5. Gross Domestic Product." U.S. Department of Commerce, Bureau of Economic Analysis. Last revised April 29, 2015. http://www.bea.gov/iTable/iTable.cfm?ReqID=9&step=1
b) Webpage: "Dates of Sessions of the Congress, Present-1789." Accessed May 19, 2015 at http://www.senate.gov/reference/Sessions/sessionDates.htm
c) Webpage: "Chronology of Swearing-In Events." Joint Congressional Committee on Inaugural Ceremonies. Accessed May 14, 2015 at http://www.inaugural.senate.gov/swearing-in/chronology
d) Web Page: "Party Divisions of the House of Representatives (1789-Present)." U.S. House of Representatives, Office of the Clerk. Accessed May 19, 2015 at http://history.house.gov/Institution/Party-Divisions/Party-Divisions/
e) Web Page: "Party Division in the Senate, 1789-Present." U.S. Senate Historical Office. Accessed May 19, 2015 at
f) Webpage: "The Debt to the Penny and Who Holds It." Bureau of the Public Debt, United States Department of the Treasury. Accessed May 19, 2015 at http://www.treasurydirect.gov/NP/debt/current
NOTES:
- Debt/GDP calculations are performed with seasonally adjusted GDP figures from the quarters in which Presidential and Congressional power shifts occurred.
- In cases where a Congressional and Presidential power shift occur in the same quarter, the date of the presidential power shift is used as the milestone for the debt.
- An Excel file containing the data and calculations is available upon request.
[198] Report: "A Citizen's
Guide to the Federal Budget: Fiscal Year
2000." White House Office of Management and
Budget, January 1999.
http://www.gpo.gov/…
•
Discretionary spending, which accounts for
one-third of all Federal spending, is what
the President and Congress must decide to
spend for the next year through the 13
annual appropriations bills. It includes
money for such activities as the FBI and the
Coast Guard, for housing and education, for
space exploration and highway construction,
and for defense and foreign aid.
•
Mandatory spending, which accounts for
two-thirds of all spending, is authorized by
permanent laws, not by the 13 annual
appropriations bills. It includes
entitlements--such as Social Security,
Medicare, veterans' benefits, and Food
Stamps--through which individuals receive
benefits because they are eligible based on
their age, income, or other criteria. It
also includes interest on the national debt,
which the Government pays to individuals and
institutions that hold Treasury bonds and
other Government securities. The President
and Congress can change the law in order to
change the spending on entitlements and
other mandatory programs--but they don't
have to.
Table 2: Forces Shaping the United States and Its Place in the World
Changing security threats: The world has changed dramatically in overall security, from the conventional threats posed during the Cold War era to more unconventional and asymmetric threats. Providing for people's safety and security requires attention to threats as diverse as terrorism, violent crime, natural disasters, and infectious diseases. The response to many of these threats depends not only on the action of the U.S. government but also on the cooperation of other nations and multilateral organizations, as well as on state and local governments and the private and independent sectors. Complicating such efforts are a number of failed states allowing the trade of arms, drugs, or other illegal goods; the spread of infectious diseases; and the accommodation of terrorist groups. …
Economic growth and competitiveness: Economic growth and competition are also affected by the skills and behavior of U.S. citizens, the policies of the U.S. government, and the ability of the private and public sectors to innovate and manage change. … Importantly, the saving and investment behavior of U.S. citizens affects the capital available to invest in research, development, and productivity enhancement. …
Global interdependency: Economies as well as governments and societies are becoming increasingly interdependent as more people, information, goods, and capital flow across increasingly porous borders. …
Societal change: The U.S. population is aging and becoming more diverse. As U.S. society ages and the ratio of elderly persons and children to persons of working age increases, the sustainability of social insurance systems will be further threatened. Specifically, according to the 2000 census, the median age of the U.S. population is now the highest it has ever been, and the baby boomer age group—people born from 1946 to 1964, inclusive—was a significant part of the population.